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Since Esping‐Andersen's Three Worlds, it has become a truism of welfare state research that welfare states do not vary linearly along a single dimension but have to be conceptualized as multidimensional phenomena that cluster into types caused by the political economy of class coalitions. However, when moving beyond the 18 original countries of Esping‐Andersen's analysis, the situation is less clear. Although additional worlds have been identified in the Global North and the Global South, these are usually not conceptualized along the same dimensions as the original three worlds and are rarely empirically compared with them. This paper tackles these omissions by explicitly comparing Northern and Southern countries within Esping‐Andersen's framework. It poses the question whether the central insight of welfare state research, namely, that there are not just gradual differences between welfare states, but different types with qualitative differences, expands beyond classic welfare states. Based on newly generated data on social rights and social stratification, we employ cluster analysis with 45 Northern and Southern countries. This analysis produces mixed results. We do find different types of welfare states with qualitative differences, but these do not fully correspond to Esping‐Andersen's Three Worlds. Moreover, our findings also point to a conceptual issue in welfare regime research: regimes are not just defined and measured in terms of different logics of welfare provision but also take into account degrees of welfare stateism. We argue that this issue is poised to become ever more pressing with the geographical expansion of welfare state research.  相似文献   
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ABSTRACT

We came together as editors of Decolonising the University through a commitment to understanding the university and our place within it; to examine what else might be possible for us, collectively, in the domain of higher education. Although we do not always agree about the university– or, perhaps more specifically, about the possibilities it contains for intervening effectively in the world– we nonetheless coalesced around an idea of ‘decolonising the university’ as an important strategic mode of engagement. Here, we set out the positions that we come from in relation to the broader debates about the university and its political possibilities and offer responses also to the reviews. These are not our final words on the matter, but words shaped by the political possibilities that present themselves at the outset of 2020 and which, we hope, will contribute to the increasingly necessary dialogues on this topic.  相似文献   
3.
Purpose: To investigate the prevalence of erectile dysfunction (ED) in patients with obstructive sleep apnea (OSA) with and without any other comorbidities.

Methods: The patient group was newly diagnosed as having OSA (apnea–hypopnea index [AHI]?>?5/h) using a polysomnographic examination. A group of subjects with simple snoring were included into the control group. Clinically relevant comorbidities were systematically assessed in face-to-face interviews. All patients were asked to complete the 15-item International Index of Erectile Function (IIEF-15) questionnaire for the evaluation of ED. The patients with OSA and ED were evaluated according to these comorbidities.

Results: Of the 94 patients, 39 patients were excluded because of severe diseases. OSA was observed in 38 (69.1%) of the 55 patients. ED was seen in 24 (63.2%) patients with OSA, and in 8 (47.1%) patients without OSA (p?>?0.05). There were no statistical differences between the groups’ ages, IIEF scores, and body mass index (BMI) scores. There were statistically significant differences between the groups’ AHI scores (p?p?Conclusion: The rate of ED was higher in patients with OSA who had no other comorbidities. Therefore, ED can be a sensitive marker of OSA.  相似文献   
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Qualitative Sociology - Revolution scholars have noted the utility of populist appeals for creating a broad-based revolutionary movement. Yet little is known about how activists enact populism in...  相似文献   
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In Turkey, the Alevi cultural ‘revival’ of the 1990s has been followed by a multifaceted identity-formation process that involves conflicting religio-cultural agendas, intersecting discourses and differing politico-ideological affiliations. Lacking a focus, this process continues to trigger an enriching public debate on Alevi identity, which has been coined an ‘enigma’ and is considered to be associated with ‘ambiguity’ and ‘ambivalence’ by many. What lies beneath the veil of ambiguity has to do with the ‘anti-essentialist’ transformation of Alevism, which reaches beyond religious, cultural and political orthodoxies. As a result of diverse political loyalties, contestation of discourses on Alevi culture and identity and the equivocal character of the Alevi subject, the Alevis seem to be resisting essentialism. In urban Turkey, an anti-essentialist discourse potentially influencing Alevism, I argue, enables the Alevi self to act with a sense of reflexivity and to search for ways to avoid political, cultural or religious orthodoxies.  相似文献   
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