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王继学 《大连理工大学学报(社会科学版)》2015,(2)
民国新儒家的墨学观比较复杂,深刻地打上了西学东渐的时代烙印,与传统儒家大异其趣。民国新儒家主要从西方科技、逻辑学、实验主义理论的角度,将墨学看作中国文化中最具西方文化色彩的部分,因此,他们一方面认为墨不如儒,认为墨学的缺陷与西方文化相同,从而对墨学进行了一系列的批评,另一方面也像肯定西方文化那样,认为墨学有一定价值,主张以儒为主融墨。另外,民国新儒家也能够在一定程度上摆脱西方文化的笼罩,对墨子的伟大人格和救世牺牲精神进行高度评价。 相似文献
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Peter Kotzian 《International Review of Sociology》2015,25(2):262-280
A capitalist market economy is based on several institutional elements, such as private ownership and competition. Does public support for this economic model rise if the economy prospers, and fall during a downturn? Or is public support largely independent of the ups and downs of economic cycles? We hypothesize that positive economic performance increases support and that persons profiting personally are more supportive of the economic system's constitutive institutional elements. Using multilevel regression we study the determinants of individual-level support for the economic system. We also test for differences in the perception of economic performance due to political attitudes and personal properties. The findings partly support the hypotheses, indicating that macro-economic factors matter for individual-level attitudes towards the economy. Attitudes towards different institutional elements of the economic system also differ in the degree to which they are political or economic, and influenced by economic performance. Individual features – education and personal economic stakes – affect attitudes towards the economy, but a substantial share of the individual-level variation in economic attitudes remains unexplained. 相似文献
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Christopher Chase‐Dunn Peter Grimes Eugene N. Anderson 《Revue canadienne de sociologie》2019,56(4):529-555
An understanding of the current right‐wing national and transnational social movements can benefit from comparing them to the global and national conditions operating during their last appearance in the first half of the twentieth century and by carefully comparing twentieth‐century fascism with the neofascist and right‐wing populist movements that have been emerging in the twenty‐first century. This allows us to assess the similarities and differences, and to gain insights about what could be the consequences of the reemergence of populist nationalism and fascist movements. Our study uses the comparative evolutionary world‐systems perspective to study the Global Right from 1800 to the present. We see fascism as a form of capitalism that emerges when the capitalist project is in crisis. World historical waves of right‐wing populism and fascism are caused by the cycles of globalization and deglobalization, the rise and fall of hegemonic core powers, long business cycles (the Kondratieff wave), and interactions with both Centrist Liberalism and the Global Left. We consider how crises of the global capitalist system have produced right‐wing backlashes in the past, and how a future terminal crisis of capitalism could lead to a reemergence of a new form of authoritarian global governance or a reorganized global democracy in the future. 相似文献
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This report evaluates the extent of perceived and enacted HIV/AIDS-related stigma in a rural setting in Zambia. Stigmatisation is abundant, ranging from subtle actions to the most extreme degradation, rejection and abandonment. Women with HIV and pregnant women assumed to be HIV positive are repeatedly subjected to extensive forms of stigma, particularly once they become sick or if their child dies. Despite increasing access to prevention of mother to child transmission initiatives, including anti-retroviral drugs, the perceived disincentives of HIV testing, particularly for women, largely outweigh the potential gains from available treatments. HIV/AIDS related stigma drives the epidemic underground and is one of the main reasons that people do not wish to know their HIV status. Unless efforts to reduce stigma are, as one peer educator put it, “written in large letters in any HIV/AIDS campaign rather than small”, stigma will remain a major barrier to curbing the HIV/AIDS pandemic. 相似文献
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Peter Van Der Veer 《全球网;跨国事务杂志》2002,2(2):95-109
In this article I deal with transnational Hindu and Muslim movements. I reject the common assertion that migrant communities are conservative in religious and social matters by arguing that ‘traditionalism’ requires considerable ideological creativity and that this significantly transforms previous practices and discourses. I suggest that religious movements, active among migrants, develop cosmopolitan projects that can be viewed as alternatives to the cosmopolitanism of the European Enlightenment. This raises a number of challenges concerning citizenship, integration and political loyalty for governmentality in the nation‐states in which these cosmopolitan projects are carried out. I suggest that rather than looking at religious migrants as at best conservative and at worst terrorist one should perhaps pay some attention to the creative moments in human responses to new challenges and new environments. 相似文献
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语言·命运·历史——论吉本《苏格兰的书》 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
高继海 《郑州大学学报(哲学社会科学版)》2002,35(6):43-46
苏格兰小说家吉本最著名的作品是其三部曲《苏格兰的书》。这部小说在语言的运用上独具特色 ,对女主人公命运的关注显示出这位男性作家超前的女性主义意识。而小说的叙述结构所蕴含的历史观则是进步和乐观的 相似文献