中东棋盘上的伊拉克战略地位浅析

地缘政治是一种战略地理学，属国际关系理论中现实主义学派的一个理论支派。布什上台后，美国对外政策表现出明显的现实主义和实用主义色彩。美国避开联合国、北约甚至欧洲盟友对伊动武有经济、政治、丈化、价值观等许多深层原因，但用地缘政治理论更能清楚地了解布什中东政策的本质。通过考察伊拉克的战略地位及其在中东棋盘中的作用，有助于研究美伊战争后中东格局的演变方向。     

南海地缘形势与中国政府对南海权益的维护——以20世纪六七十年代南海争端为考察中心

20世纪六七十年代,美、前苏联出于争夺世界霸权的需要,对南海争端采取了不同的政策,南海地区＂边缘地带＂特性进一步凸显。在此背景下,菲律宾、越南和马来西亚等国强占南海岛礁、瓜分海域、掠夺资源。在维权斗争中,中国政府不断地进行南海诸岛主权宣示,抗议周边国家对中国海洋国土主权的践踏,收复被占西沙岛礁,并采取切实措施加强海疆国防建设。     

Scene of the Crime

The brutal gang rape and murder of a young woman on a New Delhi bus became a media spectacle, flooding the news stream worldwide with articles, commentaries, blogs, and images. Drawing on theoretical insights from transnational feminism and social geography, this analysis focuses on the mediated deployment of space and place as potent signifiers of gender and sexuality in news coverage of the event. Using feminist critical discourse analysis to interrogate the verbal and visual texts in mainstream US news media during the first two weeks of coverage, this analysis found that the American news media invoked archetypes of the Third World as a primitive and undisciplined place populated by savage males and subordinate women, a space in which women's mobility is constrained and where state authority is complicit in rendering women vulnerable to sexual assault due to its incompetence. The study found that through this limited and ethnocentric lens, the US news media reinscribed social geographies of power in terms of sex and gender. The overall tenor of the coverage obscured the incidence of sexual violence in the First World/global North, effectively countermanding transnational feminist praxis and collective action against the worldwide problem of sexual violence against women.     

中国海岸城市带形成与新世纪地缘政治研究

中国历史上的中心城市多分布于大陆内地,但自19世纪以来的两百年间,在海岸线上出现了众多的中、大及特大城市,构成为一条蔓延1.8万公里的海岸城市集合群。中国海岸城市带的形成,不仅带来了国内社会经济文化全方位的深刻变化,刷新了中华传统文明中的海洋篇章,也将对于21世纪的东亚地缘政治以及全球化国际关系诸方面,发挥出越来越巨大的影响,值得从多重角度加以研究。     

中亚地缘政治态势发展与中国新疆安全

苏联解体后,中亚地缘政治地位陡然上升,世界主要政治势力在中亚地区展开了新的角逐。文章通过对中亚地区地缘要素的分析,阐明中亚地区独特的地缘要素造就了其独特的地缘政治地位和作用,并具体分析了主要政治势力在中亚的较量,从中我们可以看出这些政治势力之间的共同利益和分歧矛盾之所在,从而进一步把握相关政治势力的分化与组合情况。     

中亚石油地缘政治与新疆建设能源安全大通道探析

中亚地区丰富的油气资源储量,被称为“21世纪的战略能源基地”,中亚围绕着石油为主的地缘政治竞争日趋激烈。积极拓展能源进口渠道,加快能源资源开发建设、建立我国陆上能源安全大通道成为维护我国能源安全的当务之急。新疆的地缘与资源优势决定了新疆是中国21世纪建立陆上能源安全大通道的重要战略区域,也是中国可持续发展的战略接替区。     

“国防一线”的“三线建设”——云南三线建设的历史研究

云南处于援越抗美和对越自卫反击战的国防一线，同时又是我国地缘国防战略的大后方。既是“一线”又是“三线”的特殊地缘政治环境，赋予了云南三线建设独特的面貌和经验。在1964年至1980年的云南三线建设历程中，经历了两个建设高潮。文章试图真实再现各个阶段的规划部署、实施过程，分析出现的问题，以弥补相关研究的不足。这场特殊的“备战经济”建设，为保卫边疆安全、巩固国防发挥了应有的作用，同时也为云南的经济社会发展做出了重大的贡献。     

地缘政治挑战时代的资本主义与民主——日裔美籍学者弗朗西斯·福山专访

由日本国际经济交流财团（Japan Economic Foundation）主管的学术杂志《日本聚光灯》（Japan Spotlight）2018年5—6月刊发表了弗朗西斯·福山（Francis Fukuyama）的访谈文章（具体访谈时间是2018年2月6日）。内容聚焦地缘政治挑战时代的资本主义与民主,涉及地缘政治危机、资本主义制度、老龄化社会、收入差距、日本经济社会制度等诸多课题。     

Brazil’s non-indifference: a case for a feminist diplomatic agenda or geopolitics as usual?

At the beginning of the twenty-first century, Brazil took advantage of its economically and politically privileged position to challenge global normative structures. In 2004, the concept of “non-indifference” was integrated into the Brazilian vocabulary of foreign policy, justifying and legitimating the country’s acceptance of the invitation to command the United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH). On the one hand, non-indifference can be read as a discursive maneuver that enabled Brazil to accommodate its non-interventionist agenda to an old geopolitical game, given the pressure imposed upon “global players” to respond effectively and assertively to threats to international peace and security. On the other hand, the “Brazilian way” could also be seen as an alternative to a highly masculinized geopolitical approach to international security. This paper explores possible limitations, tensions and/or opportunities that emerge from the encounter between a feminist diplomatic agenda and a masculinizing ordering of the international space. It does so by contrasting Brazil’s ambition for a permanent seat on the United Nations Security Council (UNSC), the club of powerful states, with Brazil’s diplomatic and military performance during MINUSTAH, widely evaluated as a success due to characteristics such as solidarity, generosity, flexibility and the “warm conviviality” of Brazilian culture.