吐蕃时期佛教发展与传播问题考论

关于佛教何时传入吐蕃及其在各个时期的发展变化,以往的藏文史书中不乏记载,似乎毋庸再赘。但它们大多是就宗教谈宗教,而对因社会意识形态而产生并发展的社会环境或日历史背景却常常忽略不计。笔者多年从事吐蕃历史的教学与研究工作,以为吐蕃时期的社会历史与佛教文化密不可分,故而对吐蕃时期的佛教发展情况作了一番详细的考察,认为有许多问题可以展开讨论。本文拟将吐蕃时期的佛教分为初传、早期、中期、盛期四个阶段分而述之,并对其中有关问题略加考论。     

论吐蕃时期的政治与宗教关系

吐蕃统一奴隶制地方政权的建立,为佛教传入提供了社会的需要和实际的可能,佛教的传入与逐步发展,对吐蕃苯教及传统的社会政治结构形成全面冲击.研究吐蕃时期的政教关系,是认识藏族宗教文化及其与社会历史发展关系的一个重要途径.     

敦煌吐蕃文书中的“人马盟誓”情节新探——IOLTibJ731藏文写卷研究释例

敦煌藏文IOL TibJ731号写卷中的“人马盟誓”情节,是《家马与野马分化的历史》整个故事内容的枢纽,不仅折射了吐蕃盟誓传统的初始形态,而且反映了苯教丧葬仪轨中有关生死的观念.文章重新转录和译释了“人马盟誓”段落,并将其与纳西族东巴经《献冥马》作了文本沟通,另对其中的誓词和盟誓仪式作了语词和文化解析.     

吐蕃时期藏文文献中的盟誓

唐史载,吐蕃人"好咒誓".本文依据敦煌藏文写本,结合同时期的碑刻文献,归纳出吐蕃文献中不同等级之间盟誓时所用的9个盟誓语词,并探讨了盟誓中的告身继承、官职继承、财产继承、处罪一人、维护王权、维护神权及盟誓制度演化的形式——集会议盟等所反映吐蕃社会政治、经济、军事、法律、丧葬、宗教诸多方面的内涵.     

两件吐蕃赞普弘佛盟誓诏书史料价值之探讨

文章透过现存的吐蕃碑铭与《贤者喜宴》所录两件吐蕃赞普弘佛盟誓诏书及与誓官员名录的比较,分析此二文献乃《贤者喜宴》作者亲见原件并忠实抄录于该史籍之中。以二文献所载内容,就有关吐蕃王室对当时佛教的认识,为何心仪佛教以及为何坚持弘扬佛法、当时吐蕃社会为何抗拒佛教信仰、吐蕃王室又以何种方式推广佛法等问题,阐扬其史料价值。该二件文献所附公元779年及公元799—804年间吐蕃官员名录,也提供了今人借以与敦煌古藏文卷子的比较与补阙,修正汉史料记载模糊不清的问题。     

敦煌吐蕃文书中的“人马盟誓”情节新探——IOL TibJ 731号藏文写卷研究释例

敦煌藏文IOL Tib J 731号写卷中的"人马盟誓"情节,是《家马与野马分化的历史》整个故事内容的枢纽,不仅折射了吐蕃盟誓传统的初始形态,而且反映了苯教丧葬仪轨中有关生死的观念。文章重新转录和译释了"人马盟誓"段落,并将其与纳西族东巴经《献冥马》作了文本沟通,另对其中的誓词和盟誓仪式作了语词和文化解析。     

藏传佛教信众宗教经济负担的历史与现状

一、藏传佛教信众宗教负担的历史佛教自松赞干布时代传入藏族地区就遭到苯波教信徒们的激烈反对和抵制。赤松德赞亲政之后，对玛祥仲巴杰等崇苯大臣灭佛之事铭记在心，他不仅颁布了不得灭佛的诏书，规定僧人不得为奴、不得服兵役和免予支应乌拉差税等特权，还采用吐蕃传统的盟誓方式，规定对僧侣的供养制度，以保证僧侣的生计和提高僧人的地位，使其成为从国库中领取薪俸者。　我们知道，无论是印度佛教还是汉传佛教，出家的僧人一般以化缘为生，无论地位多高的僧人，都可伸手向人要求施舍，一文不为少，千金不为多。佛教传入吐蕃之后，这方…     

佛教传入吐蕃的年代可以推前

古印度的佛教于公元7世纪松赞干布时期传入吐蕃,最终成为藏民族的主流宗教传统,这已是公认的定论。但是,关于此前佛教曾经数次试图北传吐蕃的努力,在学术界却鲜为人知。根据一些苯教手抄本典籍记载,佛教北传的努力早在桑赤赞普时期就已经开始了,并持续了至少三代赞普。由此,佛教第一次北传吐蕃的年代,可以至少推前4个世纪。     

唐贞元年间点苍山盟誓的几个问题

贞元十年,南诏与唐盟誓于洱海边的点苍山,双方关系的恢复由此得到正式确定。点苍山盟誓不仅是南诏与唐关系史上的一个重大历史事件,也是南诏与吐蕃关系史中的一个重大历史事件。这一盟誓之后,南诏、唐、吐蕃三方关系出现了历史性的重大转折。分析史籍中的相关材料,对盟誓提出者、南诏最高首领异牟寻是否参加了此次盟誓、崔佐参加盟誓的身份、地点选择在点苍山的原因四个问题进行了探讨。可见,南诏与唐对此次盟誓均高度重视,并进行了周密的安排。     

唐代吐蕃的氏族

唐代吐蕃政局的发展,关乎于二因素:其一为宗教因素,是为苯教与外来宗教佛教之间的竞争与抗衡;其二就是更为重要的吐蕃氏族之间的合纵连横,及其与吐蕃王室的关系。若直言之,吐蕃的体制是为"贵族官僚制",推动吐蕃历史的动力,就是各氏族间的竞合。文章根据大量藏文原典史料,通过对唐代吐蕃各氏族的发展概况、各氏族与吐蕃王室的关系、氏族团的形成、各氏族的竞合、吐蕃王室如何寻觅合作对象和社会基础的深入分析,探讨了唐代吐蕃的政治力与社会势力之间的演变关系。     

再论吐蕃小邦制的演变及其外来影响

据《敦煌本吐蕃历史文书》记载,松赞干布建立吐蕃王朝之前的青藏高原分布着众多的“小邦之王”,其后逐渐被吐蕃征服,演变成为地方实体政权,到吐蕃王朝中后期仅存吐谷浑、工布、娘布三个.本文检索汉唐文献,发现吐蕃小王制深受汉唐之间西北诸族小王制的影响,据此可以看出吐蕃与西北民族在制度文明方面的相互交流与影响.     

劳度叉斗圣变未出现于敦煌吐蕃时期洞窟原因试析

学术界传统意见认为,敦煌中唐吐蕃之后洞窟中以整壁一铺巨幅画面大量出现的劳度叉斗圣变,主要是意在表现当时人们对推翻吐蕃统治的喜悦心情,属洞窟中的反蕃历史题材.但文章作者并不同意这一传统观点,而从艺术与形式的关系入手,经过对劳度叉斗圣变绘画特点的综合分析,认为劳度叉斗圣变之所以在经过北周初唐的表现后而在中唐吐蕃期洞窟中突然中断,又在晚唐五代宋洞窟中大幅表现,主要是受该类经变画表现形式的限制,其思想仍在阐释主尊造像的性格,并非是用来表现反吐蕃的洞窟绘画历史题材.     

论东女国的经济生活

东女国是沟通唐朝与吐蕃之间的政治和经济联系的重要桥梁,当然,在唐朝和吐蕃政治、经济、宗教、社会习俗等综合因素的影响下,加之东女国自身社会生产力的发展变化,东女国的经济生活逐渐形成了自己的民族特色,而这种民族特色不仅被保留了下来,而且作为一种文化资源和旅游品牌,它在振兴西部经济的伟大战略中必将发挥着越来越突出的"鼓手"作用.     

驳《吐蕃僧诤记》关于政治因素的推论

吐蕃僧诤在藏传佛教历史上具有开创性的意义.众多学者都一致认为这次僧诤事件有一定的政治背景.《吐蕃僧诤记》作者认为吐蕃与唐朝之间的政治关系是导致汉僧一万在论战中失败的重要原因.笔者不敢苟同这个观点,在引用作者原语基础之上,重新分析史料,逐一点破他的论证过程,并认为吐蕃僧诤的结果是吐蕃本身对宗教选择的结果,符合宗教适应社会发展这一规律,而与唐蕃之间的政治矛盾毫无关系.     

韦皋与唐代南方丝绸之路的重开

Weigao was one of the famous Jie-dushi ( regional military commissioners ) of the Jiannan Xichuan ( located in today’s southern Si-chuan) in the Tang Dynasty. During the rule of Wei Gao, he successfully defeated the Tubo, and changed the Tang court’s submissiveness in the southwestern region and the fight between the Tang and Tubo along the southern line. He also restored the links between Yunnan and Xichuan including all the way to the Central Plains, and, as a result, the once closed Southern Silk Road was reopened. A further exploration and evaluation of Wei Gao’s actions and his influence on reopening the Southern Silk Road ought to be given. I. Wei Gao’s Alliance with the Nanzhao King-dom and Reopening the Southern Silk Road In 785 A. D. , Wei Gao arrived in Chengdu and was appointed Jiedushi of Jiannan Xichuan. The situation of Jiannan Xichuan at that time was very critical. After the Tianbao war, the Kingdom of Nanzhao, which had unified the area around Er-hai Lake with the support of the Tang in the past, turned against the Tang and publicly announced its alliance with the Tubo. The Nanzhao Kingdom, to-gether with the Tubo, struck the Tang in the south-western region. This shift not only put the Tang in a submissive position in the southwestern region, but also significantly influenced the relations be-tween the Tang and the Tubo. As the Jiedushi of Jiannan Xichuan, Wei Gao became a unique practitioner and actively promoted a joint strategy in Yunnan. After the Tang decided to make an alliance with the Nanzhao Kingdom, relevant actions were taken immediately. However because relations between the Nanzhao Kingdom and the Tang had been broken for many years, at the beginning, Wei Gao could only communicate through some of the tribal chiefs of the Dongman ( Eastern Barbarians) . Through several years of ef-fort and mutual contact, Wei Gao’s endeavors to make an alliance with the Nanzhao, at last, were effective. Wei Gao’s efforts to make an alliance with the Nanzhao certainly involved issues related to trans-portation between Xichuan and the area of Erhai Lake. During that period, the route between Xi-chuan and Nanzhao was not only under military threat from the Tubo, but it was also overseen by the tribes of the Dongman who supported the Tu-bo—this indicated that the line of communication was not in a normal situation. The Southern Silk Road was one of ancient China’s important land trade routes to overseas. In looking at relevant re-cords in the Shiji ( Records of the Historian ) , we can see that this route had been known by people in the Central Plains from at least the Qin and Han dynasties. It was called the“Shushen Dudao” dur-ing the Han dynasty, and the “Xi’er Tianzhu zhid-ao” in the Taizhong period of the Tang dynasty.“Xi’er” refers to Erhai Lake, which was called“Xi’er He” during that time; “Tianzhu”, i. e.“Shendu”, refers to present day India. Since the Qin and Han dynasties, there were two primary routes between Xichuan and the area of Lake Er-hai. One was the Shimendao, also called the Wuchidao or Rongzhoudao, which started from present Chengdu and went through present day Le-shan and Yibin. The other was the Qing Xidao, also called the Lingguandao, Songzhoudao or Qiongnan Yilu,which, started from present Cheng-du, and went through present day Ya’an, and Xichang. These two routes were also called the“North Route” and the“South Route” in the Yun-nan Zhi ( The History of Yunnan) compiled by Fan Cuo in the Tang Dynasty. These two were the main routes between Sichuan and Yunnan on the South-ern Silk Road in the Tang dynasty. In 794 A. D. , the Tang and the Nanzhao Kingdom swore an oath of alliance, and Wei Gao started his plans to reo-pen the routes. By making a comprehensive analy-sis of relevant historical records, we are certain that starting with a plan in the 8th century, and fol-lowing the realization of the alliance between the Tang and Nanzhao as part of the strategy for the Southwestern area, and, together with the success in the fight against the Tubo, the two main chan-nels between Sichuan and Yunnan on the Southern Silk Road were reopened as a result of the concern of Wei Gao at the beginning of the 9th century. II. The Basic Situation of the Route between Sichuan and Yunnan on the Southern Silk Road in the Tang Dynasty and Its Historical Significance It was a long way from Xichuan to the area of Lake Erhai, and, moreover, the situation was also very complicated. Whenever the North Route or the South Route opened, it was not something that was completed immediately; it was a process. Al-though some sections of the road might be comple-ted initially, the opening of the entire route could not be completed within a short time. Through the records of Fan Cuo in his Yunnan Zhi, we can glean a general understanding of the basic situation regarding the reopening of the two main routes be-tween Sichuan and Yunnan along the Southern Silk Road in the Tang Dynasty. Seen from the records of Fan Cuo, there were courier stations along the South Route, so that travelers and their horses could have services and accommodation. It is very significant to note that in addition to the records of courier stations along the route managed by the Xichuan administration, the Yunnan Zhi also recorded that special translators were arranged for facilitating the contact and ex-change between the two sides, i. e. Xichuan and Nanzhao, after the route reached Ezhunling. This detail reflected Xichuan’s attention to the manage-ment of this route, but it also reflected the frequent contact between the people from the two sides of this route and the need for better communication. The road which started from Ezhunling was man-aged by the Nanzhao Kingdom. The situation of the North Route was quite different from the South Route. Based upon an analysis of the records found in the Yunnan Zhi, along the north route, there were not only high mountain, steep slopes, and winding roads, but the traveler also had to pass through many areas inhabited by the Wuman (Black Babarians). So, people were able to pass through the stations only after their words had been translated three or four times. Generally speaking, the conditions along the North Route were worse than those along the South Route. Therefore, al-though the reopening of the South Route was later than the North Route, people usually chose to pass through the South Route after it was reopened. It should be mentioned here that although Fan Cuo’s Yunnan Zhi was compiled during the early years of Xiantong Period in the Tang dynasty, the situation along the route and courier stations recorded in the book were probably not much different from those along the route during the time of Wei Gao. Al-though more than half a century of time had passed the road and courier stations along the South and North Routes might have only had some minor changes, and it was probably generally the same as in the past. Moreover it was unblocked for a long term due to the concern of the both sides. Another point that should be noted here is that although both the South and North Routes connecting Si-chuan and Yunnan on the Southern Silk Road in the Tang dynasty were managed by the administra-tions of Xichuan and Nanzhao separately, seen from the close relations and common demands of the two sides, the construction and management of these two important routes were combined through the negotiation of the two sides’ considerations and demands. As the major supporter for making the alliance with Nanzhao, Wei Gao should be the one who played an active role in this process. Because of the alliance between the Tang and the Nanzhao Kingdom the Tubo suffered a setback in the southwestern region, and they gradually re-treated to the north. Under this scenario, the channels of communication between Sichuan and Yunnan were unblocked, and communication be-tween the envoys from the Tang and Nanzhao be-came more frequent, the local trade developed, and the number of businessmen traversing Sichuan and Yunnan increased. Seen from the perspective of the development of Nanzhao, the frequent ex-changes between the artisans and traders from the two sides via the South and North Routes that ran between Sichuan and Yunnan promoted the eco-nomic and commercial development of Yunnan. In addition, there were many ethnic groups in the Nanzhao Kingdom. These included the Wuman, and Baiman ( white barbarians) . For several dec-ades,“more than a thousand” people from differ-ent ethnic groups went to Chengdu to study. This reflected that the reopening of the Southern Silk Road during the Tang dynasty played an important role in cultural transmission. On the other hand, training youth from the different ethnic groups liv-ing in the Nanzhao Kingdom also had a deep influ-ence on the cultural development of Yunnan. More important is that this action enhanced the commu-nication between the ethnic groups of Yunnan and the Central Plains. In addition, after reopening the road between Sichuan and Yunnan on the Southern Silk Route, the road continued through Nanzhao territory, crossed into the Myanmar-India route, and arrived in South and Southeast Asia. It could be said that Wei Gao’s reopening of the Southern Silk Road was not only helpful for communication between the people of Xichuan, the Central Plains and Yunnan, but it was also helpful for communi-cation between the Tang and the countries of South and Southeast Asia. It should be mentioned that Wei Gao’s reope-ning of the Southern Silk Road was conducted with-in the framework of an alliance with the Nanzhao Kingdom to attack the Tubo. Hence, speaking truthfully, reopening the road was not the main re-sponsibility of the Jiedushi of Xichuan, and was al-so not his main strategic goal. Under the serious situation faced by Jiannan Xichuan, Wei Gao’s main focus during that time was how to contact and make an alliance with the Nanzhao Kingdom so as to take military action against the Tubo. Even if he planned to reopen this road and took some action, it was conducted by targeting his military strategic action. However, reopening the Southern Silk Road could not be separated from the action of making an alliance with the Nanzhao Kingdom. Moreover, after reopening this road, it really pro-moted economic -cultural exchange and develop-ment along the road. Hence, we should give a full understanding and evaluation on Wei Gao’s histori-cal role in it.     

论吐蕃时期藏汉语接触的途径

说不同语言的族群之间的接触会导致语言接触.七世纪前期,吐蕃与唐朝建立起正式的外交关系,此后吐蕃与唐朝的交往逐渐增多,藏汉族接触愈加频繁.作为藏汉民族最主要的交际工具,藏汉语在吐蕃与唐朝的交往中发生了接触.根据藏汉历史文献,吐蕃时期的藏汉语接触的途径主要有吐蕃与唐朝的外交活动、文化交流、人口迁徙和民族杂居等.藏汉接触在唐蕃频繁的交往中使得两种语言得以有效的沟通,这在很大程度上也促进了唐蕃之间的各种交流,推动了藏汉民族关系不断向前发展.     

《新唐书·南蛮传》吐蕃“苏论”考

《新唐书.南蛮传》及《册府元龟.外臣部》记载吐蕃官吏中有苏论一职,学术界历来无解。今检得拉萨《唐蕃会盟碑》东面碑文有sovi blon pos一词,学者译为边将或边吏;敦煌本吐蕃历史文书《赞普传记》有so blon sde lnga一词,可译为边吏五部。依此,汉文文献所载的吐蕃苏论应为古藏文so blon的音译,为吐蕃守边官吏的专称。     

试论《目连救母变文》与《格萨尔》“地狱救妻”、“地狱救母”的关系

中晚唐吐蕃占领敦煌时期,各种佛事活动依然照常举行,盂兰盆会就是其中大众性佛事活动之一,此间僧人在寺院说唱<目连救母变文>,使这一故事广为流播.在此情形之下,敦煌的僧人、迁移到敦煌的吐蕃人以及在敦煌的吐蕃统治者有可能将这一故事带到藏地,从而对<格萨尔>"地狱救妻"、"地狱救母"等故事的形成产生重要影响.     

吐蕃统治敦煌时期的“行人”、“行人部落”

吐蕃统治时期在敦煌设置了主要由落蕃唐人组成的行人部落和丝绵部落,吐蕃文分别写作Rgodkyi sde和Dar pavi sde,二者由驻扎于河西地区的吐蕃中翼擘三(Phyug tsams)千户管辖,也被统称为擘三部落。行人即军士,行人部落系军事部落,主要负责军事行动,规模较大,有上、下二部落。丝绵部落则主要负责农桑生产。公元820年在敦煌成立了阿骨萨(Rgodsar)和悉董萨(Stongsar)两个独立军事部落,取代了行人、丝绵部落。之后又成立了另一个独立军事部落悉宁宗(Snying tshom)部落,这三个部落也总称为行人三部落。     

老挝克木族铜鼓考察

克木族主要居住在老挝北部,是现今仍在"使用铜鼓的民族"。国内外学术界对老挝铜鼓情况了解甚少,通过对老挝馆藏铜鼓和克木族铜鼓文化的考察发现,老挝博物馆收藏有较多数量的铜鼓,这些铜鼓大多数为黑格尔Ⅲ型鼓,即中国学者所称的"西盟鼓"。老挝克木族地区经济发展缓慢,村社文化保持着封闭性、凝固性、稳定性的特征,尽管老挝在其历史发展过程中不断受到外来文化的冲击,但铜鼓文化在克木族聚居区仍保存较好。目前,铜鼓仍被广泛地用于求雨、占卜星象、祈求丰收、祈福等各种仪式。