中国援助阿富汗和平重建举措探析

9．11事件以来,美国主导阿富汗和平重建进程,积极实施对阿“新战略”。地区国家对阿富汗和平重建十分关注并大力开展相关的外事工作,尤其突出了对阿富汗的援助。中国援助阿富汗和平重建的举措应当从资金管理、组织机构、援助项目等多方面增强阿富汗自主发展能力,提高援助的针对性和实效性。当前阿富汗局势正处于历史性的转折阶段,中国将同国际社会一道继续支持阿富汗人民克服新挑战。     

北约从阿富汗撤军对中亚地区安全的影响

北约从阿富汗撤军和撤军后阿富汗的局势都影响着中亚地区的安全,但它们对中亚各个国家的影响在程度和具体内容上明显不同。面对北约从阿富汗撤军的影响,中亚国家难以通过向阿富汗政府提供有效的军事和政治支持来防范威胁进入,只能更多地向俄罗斯或美国寻求安全保障。与此同时,中亚国家不同的安全战略选择也使北约从阿富汗撤军的影响有所扩大。     

Veiled references: Constructions of gender in the Bush administration discourse on the attacks on Afghanistan post-9/11

Understanding the ways in which the discursive construction of gender allowed for the US-led attacks on Afghanistan to be considered a legitimate response to the attacks of 9/11 is vital to the study of international relations and for the reclaiming of a feminist politics of the attacks. Through the identification and exploration of various representations of identity in the period after 9/11 and before the attacks on Afghanistan, I will illustrate the centrality of narratives of gender to the production of a recognizable and legitimate narrative of war. I focus on the identities of ‘the nation’, ‘the enemy’ and ‘the intervention’, with each exploring not only the ways in which they are created and perpetuated, but also the ways in which they make certain responses, actions and attitudes permissible and censor others. In conclusion, I draw attention to the economic concerns of the USA that were marginalized within the discursive construction of identity post-9/11, and the ways in which the tensions created by this marginalization can be used as a critical tool to begin to unpick gendered constructions that were represented as seamless at the time.     

‘You Are a Girl’

Feminist scholarship has shown how gender is integral to understanding war, and that the invasion of Afghanistan in 2001 was partly legitimated through a reference to Afghan women's ‘liberation’. Recognizing this, the article analyses how gender is crucial also to understanding the practice of ‘population-centric’ counterinsurgency in Afghanistan. Because this type of warfare aims at ‘winning hearts and minds’, it is in engaging the population that a notable gendered addition to the US military strategy surfaces, Female Engagement Teams (FETs). Citing ‘cultural sensitivity’ as a key justification, the US deploys all-female teams to engage with and access a previously untapped source of intelligence and information, namely Afghan women. Beyond this being seen as necessary to complete the task of population-centric counterinsurgency, it is also hailed as a progressive step that contributes to Afghan women's broader empowerment. Subjecting population-centric counterinsurgency to feminist analysis, this article finds that in constructing women both as ‘practitioners’ and ‘targets’, this type of warfare constitutes another chapter in the various ways that their bodies have been relied upon for its ‘success’.     

“普什图尼斯坦”问题的历史由来

19世纪30年代始英国为抗衡俄国南下对印度造成的威胁企图占领阿富汗。两次侵阿战争失利使英国转而执行缓冲国政策,以划定阿富汗北部边界的方式与俄国划分了势力范围。为防止普什图山地部落人民威胁印度边界,英国殖民者又通过"杜兰线"将阿富汗东南部普什图族山地部落数百万人民划归印度,从而造成了印巴分治后长期影响阿富汗和巴基斯坦关系的"普什图尼斯坦"问题。     

论阿富汗重建与南亚地区的安全建构

历史上,阿富汗与南亚地区存在着密切的交往,前者成为影响南亚地区安全的关键因素.阿富汗重建以来,印巴两国在阿富汗影响力的扩展、反恐与民族和解,以及跨越阿富汗的地区合作等领域各有所长,并进行着激烈的博弈.阿富汗问题也因此与印巴冲突产生级联效应,对南亚地区的安全影响甚大.印巴两国在阿富汗“合则两利斗则两伤”.印巴交往的文明化对于地区安全与合作、阿富汗重建都有一定的积极意义.     

中阿建交问题探析

1950年1月12日,阿富汗正式承认中华人民共和国,表达了建立阿中双边外交关系的愿望和建议,但其后不久却又以国内财政困难为由单方面地搁置了建交进程.当然这里自然有反映其国内实情的一面,而其背后更深层次的原因则值得深究:一方面,当时的阿富汗政府虽继续坚持中立政策,但把加强阿美关系作为其对外政策的重要支柱;另一方面,美国为遏制苏联,加强了对阿富汗的拉拢和渗透.因此,阿美关系日益发展.在美国孤立、封锁、包围新中国的大形势下,阿富汗出于维护其自身国家利益的考量,暂时搁置了中阿建交进程.从1953年下半年开始,阿富汗国内政局的变化和阿美关系出现裂痕、阿苏关系不断改善、中国积极推行睦邻外交政策以及此一时期中印正处于“蜜月期”等综合因素,导致中阿建交进程开始出现转机.经过一系列政治对话和外交谈判,1955年1月20日中阿发表建交公报,正式建立外交关系,成为其后几十年中阿友好合作关系发展的历史起点.     

Towards a critical discourse analysis of New Zealand security policy in Afghanistan

ABSTRACT

Rather than ask why New Zealand supported the intervention, this paper focuses on how representations of New Zealand and the international terrorist threat resulted in public acquiescence to a pre-emptive strike by the world's sole superpower against one of the poorest, most war-torn countries in the world. The paper concludes that legitimacy was achieved through the blending of themes of terrorism and war, national interest and democracy, rule of law and human rights, to produce an ambiguous ‘international campaign against terrorism’ that allowed for picking and choosing of the most convenient position on different matters. The alternative—to refuse moral and material support for the United States-led ‘war on terror’—was to risk New Zealand's membership of the United States-led international community and a ‘seat at the table’ in future international trade and security negotiations. As such, any campaign benefits appear to have accrued to New Zealand rather than Afghanistan or the Afghan people, especially given the parlous state of that country in 2018. A wide-ranging debate within New Zealand on the purpose of such interventions is needed before similar commitments are made in the future.     

Making Feminist Sense out of ‘Charlie Wilson's War’

Charlie Wilson's War (2007), Mike Nichols's film about the womanizing Congressman who engineered black funds for the CIA's proxy war in Soviet-occupied Afghanistan, is historically misleading but highly instructive, because in packaging dominant American masculine identity and war politics as popular entertainment for post-9/11 audiences, it reveals the sexed and gendered ‘politics of the visual’ in global affairs. This intertextual study of ‘Charlie Wilson's war’ as movie, constructed history and legacy examines Wilson as a prime exhibit of a needy masculinity that, like the film's emasculated CIA, bulks itself up through surrogate military selves. It also analyses modes of the imaginary and specularity in brother-bonding with the mujahidin, tracks the proxy system's loops of masculine identity-and-war-making between Stateside and South Asia in the post-Vietnam 1980s and interrogates the dynamics of imperial ‘un-seeing’ in this campaign and its long aftermath. While US proxy wars proliferate worldwide, the lack of useable political memory about the ground truths of ‘Charlie's war’ continues to matter because America's second ‘good’ war in Afghanistan, bound to the first by gendered causal links, has re-empowered the forces that still menace women's rights and lives.