Revanchist Masculinity: Gender Attitudes in Sex Work Management

Pimps, or male managers of female sex workers, are commonly represented in popular culture as hypermasculine and as a ubiquitous part of sex work. However, there is little empirical scholarship on pimps or the construction of their masculinity. Drawing on ethnographic and interview data, this article demonstrates how pimps produce a “revanchist masculinity” that seeks to reclaim power from women and establish status over other men. Pimps are suspicious of sex workers’ motives and deny them decision‐making power and profit sharing—processes that highlight how work practices can structure gender identity construction.     

道德困境折射出的权力关系——评亨利·詹姆斯的《螺丝在拧紧》

文章从维多利亚时期以男性为主体的社会现实为切入点,分析了处于社会底层的女教师受到的来自男权社会及其代表者布莱庄园男主人的控制与压迫,以及她对于这种控制的反抗,并借助符号矩阵来进一步展示存在于控制与反抗的道德困境中的权力关系。     

尼采哲学中的虚无主义概念

虚无主义是尼采哲学的核心观念之一.学术界大多从消极的、单-的角度理解这一概念,实际上,虚无主义被尼采赋予了众多的复杂内涵：它既指旧价值本身的无价值,又指价值消解后意义的真空;它可指思想武器,又是思想目标.虚无主义是尼采观察世界的最深刻的心理背景.尼采以虚无主义作为批判武器,对欧洲传统价值 ——基督教、道德及其科学理性文明进行批判,对自己的核心观念——权力意志也进行批判.尼采哲学思想发轫于虚无主义,超越了虚无主义而最终不能摆脱虚无主义.虚无主义对尼采具有本体论的意义.     

论20世纪70年代初国际石油权力结构的变迁——对“德黑兰协定”和“的黎波里协定”的考察

20世纪70年代的国际石油危机有着深厚的历史根源,它源于国际石油权力结构的急剧变革。60年代后期开始,随着国际石油市场日趋紧张,产油国的地位日益改善,它们从石油公司获得越来越多的石油权力,其中国际石油公司与产油国签订的"德黑兰协定"和"的黎波里协定"发挥了至关重要的作用,是产油国能够针对西方国家使用减产、禁运和提价等石油武器的前提条件。     

Repetitive variable acceptance sampling plan for one-sided specification

In this paper, a variable repetitive group sampling plans based on one-sided process capability indices is proposed to deal with lot sentencing for one-sided specifications. The parameters of the proposed plans are tabulated for some combinations of acceptance quality levels with commonly used producer's risk and consumer's risk. The efficiency of the proposed plan is compared with the Pearn and Wu [Critical acceptance values and sample sizes of a variables sampling plan for very low fraction of defectives. Omega – Int J Manag Sci. 2006;34(1):90–101] plan in terms of sample size and the power curve. One example is given to illustrate the proposed methodology.     

村民自治背景下的村级公共权力厘定

村民自治背景下,基层社会治理发生了重大转变,以村级公共权力为视角进行观察,能够比较准确地反映这种转变。基于对制度文本及实践模式的研究,村级公共权力的基本内涵可以确定为,在中国共产党领导下的村级政治主体为实现村级公共利益进行民主选举、民主决策、民主管理、民主监督的法定权力。在这一基本内涵的基础上可以发现,村级公共权力的静态回路是一个多主体多层次的复杂体系,且其运行过程存在不同环节的发展不均衡和结果低效率的现象。     

视觉权力反抗下的艾米丽

《献给艾米丽的一朵玫瑰花》引起了很多研究者的兴趣，但是，是谁以及为什么献给艾米丽一朵玫瑰花却没有定论。从视觉权力的角度分析这一问题，指出艾米丽作为个体的“被看者”在面对“看”所代表的集体权力时，表面采取了顺从，实际运用了最强烈的反抗，扭转了“看”与“被看者”的不平等关系，从而赢得福克纳的一朵代表敬意的玫瑰花。     

多元化纠纷解决机制下审判权力的配置——以日本为视角

一个国家的审判权力配置是受社会、政治、经济等多种因素影响。从日本古代、近代以及战后审判权力配置的演变过程可知，日本一方面通过替代性纠纷解决机制（ADR）以解决审判带来的弊端，实现繁简分流，另一方面改革了传统的民事审判权力配置，使大量的家庭纠纷案件和小额纠纷案件得以向专门法院或专门程序分流，缓解了法院的诉讼压力，这对优化民事审判权力配置、促进诉讼效率的提高具有积极的意义。     

Moving Ahead,Falling Apart,Losing Power: Three Narratives to the Development of Human Services

Scholars agree that we live in a society in which the lion’s share of human needs is supplied by formal organizations. This article deals with how society reached this situation and the challenges embedded in it. We will postulate that there are three basic narratives of human services, which we have named the progress, the social disintegration, and the power narrative. The narratives will be demonstrated through examples from the field of juvenile and adolescent mental health services. We claim that meaningful professional training in human services must expose students to the interpretations, insights, and possible directions for practice in light of each of the narratives.     

Calculable Power: A Case Study of IMF Quotas and Voting Rights Reform*

Voting procedure is an important mechanism for public choice in collective bodies such as international organizations. This paper measures and compares IMF member countries’ voting power before the 2008 reform and after the 2010 reform on the basis of datasets on IMF quotas and voting rights distribution provided by IMF. Our study verifies that IMF’s quotas and voting rights reforms do help to reduce the voting power gap among member countries. The 2008 and 2010 reforms produce a greater improvement in emerging members’ voting power under the 70 percent majority rule than the 85 percent rule; the 70 percent majority rule means the United States would lose its absolute veto. Moreover, the paper disproves the underlying assumption that regards a member’s voting power as proportional to its voting rights. Countries with different amounts of voting rights can still have the same voting power.