唐代汉藏民间层面宗教文化交流

本文认为唐代汉藏两族宗教文化交流通过民间的方式,将汉地的儒家文化、道教文化、佛教文化传递到了藏区民间,也将藏族的苯教文化和其它宗教习俗传播到了汉地民间。民间层面宗教文化交流有益地推动了学者、僧侣层面和官方层面宗教文化交流的深度和广度,从某种程度上保持了学者、僧侣层面和官方层面宗教文化交流的成果。     

宋代汉藏民间层面宗教文化交流

文章认为,汉藏两族宗教文化交流主要反映在三种层面上：民间层面的渗透影响、学者僧侣层面的交流传播和中央王朝与地方政府官方层面的往来贡赐。文章仅就宋代汉藏两族民间层面宗教文化交流略作考察,至于其他历史时期与其他层面宗教文化交流则另撰文论述。关于宋代汉藏宗教文化交流,学界关注者寥寥无几,至于民间层面宗教文化交流,则更鲜有问津之人。认为宋代汉藏两族宗教文化交流通过民间方式,将汉地的宗法性传统宗教文化、道教文化、佛教文化传递到了周边藏区民间,也将藏传佛教文化、苯教文化和其他藏族宗教习俗传播到了周边汉地民间。汉藏民间层面宗教文化交流有益地推动了学者、僧侣层面和官方层面宗教文化交流的深度和广度,从某种程度上保持和深化了学者、僧侣层面和官方层面宗教文化交流的成果。     

吐蕃时期苯教理论化程度考辨

随着敦煌藏文文献研究的深入推进,其中涉及苯教内容的写卷为我们重新理解吐蕃时期的苯教形态及其理论化程度提供了新的线索。文章认为,敦煌有关文献所呈现的辛饶弥沃只是一名普通的“辛波”(巫觋),而斯巴苯教的内容无外乎是上祭神灵、下镇鬼怪、祛病禳灾、占卜解难以及超荐亡灵。《旧唐书》《北史》《隋书》《通志》等汉文史书中关于吐蕃宗教形态的记载,基本上与敦煌藏文文书之记载相吻合,即“重鬼右巫”“多信巫觋”是这一时期吐蕃民间信仰的主要特征。公元8世纪时发生的“佛苯之争”可谓是破解吐蕃时期苯教理论化程度谜底的一把钥匙。在“佛苯之争”中,并未再现“吐蕃僧诤”那般基于经典哲理的论辩,双方的博弈以施展法术的方式开展,可见当时的苯教尚无教义体系,而仅停留在仪式仪轨层面。“佛苯之争”后,苯教徒迫于现实压力,藉由“译苯”构建雍仲苯教理论体系,开始形成有别于斯巴苯教的另一支传承脉络。及至11世纪,辛钦鲁噶将“译苯”进程推向顶峰,促成苯教大藏经的主干架构。可见,苯教的发展经历了从“巫”到“宗教”的漫长过渡历程。     

藏族传统宗教中的灵魂观念与祖先崇拜

文章主要对藏民族传统宗教即苯教、佛教和民间宗教中的灵魂观念以及早期的祖先崇拜问题进行考析,主要探究藏族灵魂概念在不同时期、不同宗教中所具有的意义和内涵,同时还比较了早期藏族祖先崇拜和后期民间宗教中祖先崇拜的遗存,认为后期的地域神和五守舍神都同早期的祖先崇拜有密切的关系。     

宗教研究所30年科研历程

正中国藏学研究中心宗教研究所成立于1994年,它的前身隶属于历史宗教研究所。包括藏传佛教、民间宗教及苯教研究、梵文文献研究等三个主要研究方向。目前,宗教研究所有12位科研人员,其中研究员5人,副研究员3人,助理研究员4人,博士后2人,博士6人,硕士5人。多年来藏研中心宗教研究所逐步形成了自己的宗旨,这就是以西藏及其他藏区的宗教及其相关问题的研究作为己任,运用科学的立场、     

试论近代昌都地区的民间信仰与民间宗教（1840－1949年）

中国藏区的民间信仰中神灵众多、由来庞杂、颇具民族特色和历史传统,经历漫长岁月而世代传承。它们在当地民众的生活中形成了独特的影响,成为中国民间文化、社会习俗的有机组成部分。文章在简要概述西藏自治区昌都地区近代史(1840~1949年)上的民间信仰与民间宗教坛庙后,认为昌都人民的信仰习惯,与藏区其他地区有所区别,在中国藏区众多的信仰习俗中占有不容忽视的位置。     

加强宗教管理与青海藏区社会稳定

宗教历来在青海藏区社会中占有重要位置,它与藏区政治、经济、文化有着密切的联系,藏区的行政、司法乃至日常生活亦与宗教息息相关.因此,能否正确认识和处理宗教问题,区别对待多元与统一、私人事务的宗教信仰与国家公共权力,在一定程度上关系到信教群众的人心向背,影响到民族政治行为的趋向和藏区社会稳定.     

藏区现代化过程中宗教世俗化的趋势

本文从现代化发展与宗教世俗化的关系角度,分析和探讨了藏区现代化发展过程中出现的宗教世俗化现象。目前,藏区宗教世俗化主要表现在:寺庙功能逐渐趋于多元化,其中一部分功能弱化;藏族信徒的宗教观念日渐淡化。这些变化对藏区的政治秩序和社会稳定产生了重要影响。     

论地理和宗教在藏族丧葬风俗中的作用

为什么全民信仰藏传佛教的藏民族,其丧葬的主要类型不是佛教所推崇的火葬而是天葬,为什么最高级的葬法是塔葬而不是最流行的天葬,为什么土葬的兴衰史与苯教的兴衰史相一致?文章从藏族的地理环境、宗教文化与民族史方面进行了论述,提出了藏民族葬俗双因素决定理论地理环境与宗教交互作用决定了藏民族的葬俗,地理环境在很大程度上抵消了宗教的决定性影响,特别是苯教所推崇的土葬和佛教所推崇的火葬的影响;而宗教又削弱了地理环境对葬俗的限制和束缚.     

苯教文献解读——以舟曲发现的十四函苯教文献为例

苯教是藏族土生土长的宗教，是藏族宗教的“活化石”，经过长期的演变和与外来宗教的斗争，一部分逐步融入到后来的宗教中，另一部分基本上流传至今。现在我们搜集到的是流传在民间的人们日常生活中举行各种宗教活动所不可或缺的部分，对研究古代藏族的社会、文化、历史有着重要参考价值。由于宗教派别之间的斗争使此类文献散落于民间，长期以来未被发现而没有引起学术界的关注。     

论藏族的丧葬风俗

为什么全民信仰藏传佛教的藏民族,其丧葬的主要类型不是佛教所推崇的火葬而是天葬?为什么最高级的葬法是塔葬而不是最流行的天葬?为什么土葬的兴衰史与苯教的兴衰史相一致?文章从藏族的地理环境、宗教文化与民族史方面进行了论述,提出了藏民族葬俗双因素决定理论:地理环境与宗教交互作用决定了藏民族葬俗,地理环境在很大程度上抵消了宗教的决定性影响,特别是苯教所推崇的土葬和佛教所推崇的火葬的影响;而宗教又削弱了地理环境对葬俗的限制和束缚。     

论吐蕃时期的政治与宗教关系

吐蕃统一奴隶制地方政权的建立,为佛教传入提供了社会的需要和实际的可能,佛教的传入与逐步发展,对吐蕃苯教及传统的社会政治结构形成全面冲击.研究吐蕃时期的政教关系,是认识藏族宗教文化及其与社会历史发展关系的一个重要途径.     

苯教的现状及其与社会的文化融合

作者在多年实地调查的基础上叙述了苯教的现状、苯教寺院的分布及其历史和文化原因。重点阐释了佛苯两教在显宗方面的融合,尤其是在内道关键教义上的融合完成了这两个宗教在教义上的最终合流,提出了苯教这种与传统藏族社会的主要意识形态的融合和顺应实际上减少了不同文化传统和思想流派之间的摩擦,起到了积极的社会效应的学术观点。     

藏汉民族对土族宗教信仰的影响

土族聚居区处在藏文化圈和汉文化圈的结合地带 ,土族文化是一种典型的连接地带文化。这种文化在保持和发展本民族文化的同时 ,又大量吸收了藏族文化和汉族文化。土族的宗教信仰深受藏、汉民族的影响 ,藏传佛教、汉族民间信仰和萨满教在土族的信仰中均占有重要地位 ,但藏传佛教和汉族民间信仰对不同地区土族的宗教信仰影响程度各有所异。     

三星堆青铜纵目面具与铜兽首冠人像的藏文化解读

This article is the fourth article re-lated to the research of “Zhangzhung·rGyalron· Sanxingdui and Jinsha”—Tibetan cultural interpre-tations of relics unearthed in Sanxingdui and Jin-sha. The main focus of the article is Tibetan cul-tural interpretations of the vertical-eyed bronze mask and the copper statue of a man with an ani-mal head crown in Sanxingdui Museum. 1 . Vertical-eyed bronze mask and Miwo Lon-glong The bronze cultural relics unearthed in Sanx-ingdui or even Jinsha have broad and deep links to ancient Tibetan culture. The vertical-eyed bronze mask is the most typical of the numerous bronze objects depicting human heads. In the following discussion, we would like to give an interpretation of the symbolic meaning of the bronze objects de-picting human heads. In order to draw inferences about other cases from one instance, we would like to choose two typical cases: choosing the vertical-eyed bronze mask as our model of cultural relic, and choosing langshi jiazu ( the Lang family clan) as our model of Tibetan ancient literature. It is generally stated that the eyes of the verti-cal-eyed bronze mask kept in Sanxingdui museum roughly meets the appearance of the Shu people ’ s ancestors, the Cancong, who are recorded as hav-ing “vertical eyes” in the historical books. Some people also believe that “vertical eyes” means“upright eyes”, just like the eye in the forehead of the God Erlang in Chinese ancient myth, so the image might be a statue of an ancestor god. Addi-tionally, some connect it with the frontlet of kuilong ( a sacred dragon in Chinese myth ) , and believe that it is related to zhulong( another sacred dragon in Chinese myth) who has a human head, a dragon ( snake) body, and “upright eyes”. Langshi Jiazu is an important document for studying the political and religious unification sys-tem in Tibetan areas during the Yuan, Ming and Qing dynasties, meanwhile, it is also an essential material for the study of the Gesar Epic. Langshi Jiazu was published by Xizang renmin chubanshe ( Tibet People ’ s Publishing House ) for the first time in May, 1986, and the whole book is com-posed of three parts. From the perspective of the ancient Indian centralism and Tibetan centralism, Langshi Jiazu has many unique parts, and its con-tent has an unusual connection with rGyarong in the southeastern part of Tibetan areas. For in-stance , the content of the fist part is very similar to shengniao xiongqiongwang zhuang ( Biography of the Sacred Bird Garuda) recently discovered in the rGyarong area. There is a myth in Langshi Jiazu, and the sto-ry is very common in Bon literature. The academic circle calls it the Bon religion’ s view on the crea-tion of world—the universe is oviparous. Most scholars believe that the view of oviparous creation of the world in Bon religion might be Tibetan peo-ple’ s own cognition. We provide translations to some content included in the Langshi Jiazu, and compare them with the vertical-eyed bronze mask, and notice some information which has been ig-
nored by the current academic circle. For in-stance, the vertical-eyed bronze mask symbolizes“”, Chinese phonetic translation Miwo Longlong, which means “may all your wishes be-come truth”. 2 . Copper statue of a man with an animal head crown in the Bon Religion The copper statue of a man with an animal head crown kept in Sanxingdui Museum is not com-plete, with only the upper part of the body remai-ning. The statue wears an animal head crown. On the two sides of the top crown, there stands two an-imal ears, in between of which there is a curly decoration which looks like an elephant ’ s nose. Apart from the previously-mentioned characteris-tics of the sacred bird Gaguda, the copper statue of a man with an animal head crown also has several other outstanding features, for instance, its crown and posture. The crown is not only high, but also has a rectangular hole, on the top of which there are three long strips. The statue is posed in a grasping gesture. This paper gives firstly an overall interpreta-tion of the copper statue of a man with an animal head crown according to the shengniao xiongqiong-wang zhuang, then gives a Tibetan cultural inter-pretation of the details of the statue. Concerning the knowledge of the three long strips on the crown of the copper statue, this article finds some clues from the angle of philology and archaeology, and proves that the origin of this crown is the sacred hat in Bon religion of Tibet. Moreover, this article also discusses the reason why the crown has these three strips on top of it. The author mentions that it is related to the sacred bird Garuda, and the three strips respectively represent the two wings and horn of the bird. In other words, the strips on the right and left side symbolizes the bird opening its wings and viewing the world, while the strip in the mid-
dle symbolizes that the sacred bird is male, not fe-male. From one aspect, the head dress of adult women in the rGyarong area symbolizes the sacred bird Garuda, and from another aspect, in Tibetan culture, including rGyarong culture, only the sa-cred male bird Garuda has the horn. That means the sacred bird Garuda with a horn must be a male one. Concerning the vertical-eyed bronze mask and the copper statue of a man with an animal head crown unearthed in Sanxingdui, there are still many details that need to be explored, and also we feel that it could be differently interpreted. Howev-er, due to the limitations of space, we will not do a long discussion here, but we do hope that from the examples provided in this article, one can draw inferences about other cases from this one in-stance.     

数字崇拜与文化象征:对"嘉绒十八土司"历史文化内涵的探讨

"嘉绒十八土司"被视为是一个关于嘉绒藏族历史地理范围的表述,但在具体理解上却存在不少分歧,且各有不合情理之处.从"十八"之说广泛存在于苯教文化体系,以及象雄苯教与嘉绒地区的历史文化渊源关系来看,"嘉绒十八土司"很可能源于苯教关于"十八"的数字崇拜及相关的象征文化,"十八土司"非实指,无关嘉绒藏族的地理范围.     

论《格萨尔》对藏族民间信仰观念之体现

《格萨尔》作为一部曲折表现藏族人民认识世界、解释世界和改造世界的英雄史诗,承载了藏族民间的信仰文化,藏族人的真、利、善、美、圣观念在其中被体现得淋漓尽致,因而使其思想性和艺术性获得了高度的统一。也正是这种统一性,使得历史与现实的“真”和文学的“真”,通过以表现史诗主人公格萨尔金戈铁马一生所获得的现实的“利”与幻想的“利”的故事为载体,以善、美、圣为意义的支持而得以实现。文章从探讨存在于《格萨尔》中藏民族的真、利、善、美、圣观念及其相互支持、相互诠释、相互渗透、相互依赖的关系入手,企图从整体上考察藏族文化何以形成被社会各阶层普遍认同的凝聚力,何以有延续千年而不衰的活力。     

壮族原生型民间宗教结构及其特点

壮族的宗教包括原始宗教、原生型民间宗教和外来创生型宗教三个层次,其中原生型民间宗教--麽教和师公教具有代表性.它们的内部结构比较完整,基本具备了宗教的构成元素.与世界各种创生型宗教相比,仅在无地区性和全民性宗教领袖、无绝对权威主神的不同.壮族宗教的特点主要有8个方面,其中多种宗教神灵和谐共处,为国内外少见.