19世纪美国圣地游记与贝都因人的文化重构

游牧部落贝都因人在阿拉伯世界里被视为精神贵族,而在19世纪美国圣地游记里贝都因人却被描绘成恶魔的形象。这种刻板印象的形成除了其自身的民族传统和部落特性外,还有文化和经济的因素。在19世纪美国圣地游记文本和书写的空间里,他们成为被表征的对象,在附加了基督教文化观念、东方修辞和东方想象等一系列外在因素后,他们已不再是原来的贝都因人,而是被重新建构的贝都因人。沙漠之子、流浪的以实玛利在东方隐喻的世界里叠加成了贝都因人之沙漠中的撒旦意象。本文旨在阐释19世纪的美国人在盎格鲁-新教文化视角下对东方的误读与建构。     

贝都因人:阿拉伯世界的精神贵族

“贝都因”的阿拉伯文意思是“荒漠的游牧人”,中文名系由英语“Bedouin”音译而来,另有“贝都英”、“贝杜因”、“贝督因”等译法。贝都因人主要指在阿拉伯半岛、叙利亚、伊拉克以及北非的沙漠、荒原、丘陵和农业边缘地区从事游牧和半游牧的阿拉伯人。他们身材细颀,长有突出的鹰钩鼻,从生理特征上讲,属于欧罗巴人种地中海类型。千百年来,用驼毛绳缚着头帕、身着宽舒长衫、腰插阿拉伯弯刀的贝都因人和椰枣树、单峰驼一起,构成了阿拉伯半岛荒漠地区亘古不变的风景。贝都因人,这些闪族的游牧人,早在金字塔建成以前就在荒漠里放牧着他们的畜…     

以色列犹太人内部的边缘族群:东方犹太人

现代以色列是一个移民国家,众多来源地的犹太人因文化背景的不同和社会地位的差异形成泾渭分明的两大族群:阿什肯纳兹人和东方犹太人。东方犹太人是犹太复国主义运动的被动参与者,建国初他们在巩固领土安全的民族目标下被政府安置在地处边疆的发展城镇中,由此造成其在犹太人内部被边缘化的处境。社会生活中的受挫感和在下层劳动力市场与阿拉伯人的就业竞争是东方犹太人反阿拉伯意识强烈的主要原因。他们高举宗教的旗帜,在族群认同的基础上进行政治动员,试图以扩大政治权利分享的途径提高和改善不利的社会处境和地位。     

贝都因人——沙丘里的诗人和强手

夜幕降临,西奈半岛的沙漠逐渐呈现一片越来越阴暗的紫红色。我在旅途中绕过一个马槟榔属植物覆盖的木棚、一头居高临下的骆驼和一些金合欢属灌木。接着我看到了一团模糊不清的东西,后来发现这原来是一个孤单的贝都因人,他匍伏在地上,面对麦加做日落时的祷告。正如一些战略要隘、多燧石的平原以及紫红色的山岭一样,贝都因人是西奈半岛不可分割的一部分。他们是历史遗留下来的幸存者,同他们相处的秘诀不     

犹太民族与土地的特殊关系

犹太民族的历史从某种意义上说就是犹太民族与土地关系的发展史,这是因为犹太民族的每一次历史变迁都是犹太民族与土地关系的变迁:犹太民族的大流散是其失去土地的时期;犹太复国主义运动是犹太民族重新拥有土地的过程;以色列建国是两千多年来犹太民族第一次以主权国家身份拥有土地;阿以矛盾和冲突的根本原因在于对土地的争夺,而这一矛盾和冲突的最终解决依然要回到土地问题上来。所以说,犹太民族与土地有着非常特殊的关系     

试论阿拉伯被占领土问题对以色列民族国家构建的影响

1967年的第三次中东战争以以色列占领了拟议中的全部巴勒斯坦国土及西奈半岛和戈兰高地而结束。阿拉伯被占领土表面上使以色列的地缘形势与安全环境得到了改善,然而其在阿、以冲突中悬而未决的地位使以色列的疆界长期处于模糊不定的状态。这种状况诱发了以色列社会内部的政坛动荡、文化转型与民族认同分裂以及族群矛盾的凸显,从而对以色列的民族国家构建产生了不容忽视的消极影响。     

少数民族教育提升方案——以台湾原住民为例

少数民族地区教育的发展有其特殊性,在我国多民族体系中基于民族教育的特殊功能与价值,以台湾地区原住民的教育发展为视角,从法律权利、教育资源、社会文化、教学方法等维度对少数民族教育与教学进行分析,不仅对原住民族群本身具有文化传承与发展进步的功能,对中华民族而言,关注原住民的教育提升,对原住民语言文化进行研究和学习从而探索出科学、适用的教育教学方法,以期为我国的多民族和谐与团结、民族文化保护与传承带来巨大的价值。     

走向民粹化的族群政治--20世纪80年代以来的台湾原住民运动与原住民政策研究

台湾的原住民运动兴起于上世纪 80年代初期。在族群化、民粹化的政治背景下 ,台湾的原住民运动从其产生之初起就混杂着民粹的因素。原住民运动在中前期发展阶段 ,在民粹手段和社会动员等方面与台湾的政治反对派互相借重 ,并形成策略互动。而台湾原住民的“正名”诉求则是由国民党籍的原住民“民意代表”和原住民运动相互配合得以实现的 ,台湾的原住民政策也由此发生了明显的改变。在“正名”实现后 ,台湾的原住民运动开始分裂并趋于衰微 ,但同时愈加民粹化     

原住民自助文化研究的时代意义--东华大学族群所的文化实践

东华大学族群所本于文化知识的实践行动,于1995年创所之初即规划"原住民自助文化研究计划".透过"原住民自助文化研习营"的活动和地方文史工作者的文化采集,以及借着观摩活动与鼓励自行研究,原住民自助文化研究有了初步的成果.1998年族群所创立了在职专班,提供地方教师与相关人员取得正式硕士学位的机会.由于课程的完整安排与独立的论文写作,原住民相关研究得以在地方开展.2001年成立之民族文化学系更透过一半名额保障原住民学生的措施,吸引了更多的原住民学子加入自助文化研究的行列.东华大学族群所十年来的努力过程,期许着人类学与原住民研究之间有更好的互动与发展.     

城市传统少数民族的民俗建构与族群发展--解读广州世居满族的现代族群节日"春茗"

广州世居满族在广州已经生活了247年,改革开放以后,随着珠江三角洲地区的经济腾飞,他们与广州当地民众一样面临着挑战和新的发展机遇。他们通过将传统的族群节日“春茗”现代化,在满族民众、国家权力和地方政府以及当地社会的互动过程中强化族群认同,使族缘成为血缘、地缘、业缘之外新的跨地域社会动员手段,为自己争取到新的发展空间。他们的经验对于城市世居散杂居少数民族的发展具有借鉴意义。     

Racism,militarisation and policing: police reactions to violence against Palestinian women in Israel

This article moves beyond the discussion of police racism to a broader account of the militaristic racism of policing in Israel. The highly permeable boundaries between the military, society and the political conflict all affect how violence against women is policed. Focusing on case studies of police officers' perceptions of abused Palestinian Israeli women — members of an ethnic and indigenous minority — this paper considers key features of the policing of violence against women in a militaristic context and during a continuous political conflict. Police officers' philosophies and actions in law enforcement concerning violence against women are critically scrutinised. The findings indicate that while some aspects of cultural difference between the indigenous ethnic group and the majority are relevant to policing, focusing predominantly on the ‘cultural characteristics’ or ‘ethnic traditions or rituals’ of the policed population and denying the effect of the political conflict between Israel and the Palestinians as a factor in the militarisation of policing can reinforce rather than ameliorate ethnic prejudice, racism and discrimination.     

从“事实”转向“法理”——《犹太民族国家法》与以色列国家属性的再界定

20世纪80年代末、90年代初,以色列最高法院发起“宪政革命”,正式确立了“犹太国家”和“民主国家”的双重属性。进入21世纪以来,随着内外形势的变化,国家属性问题再度引起以色列社会的关注。从2011年起,多个不同版本的基本法草案被提交至以色列议会,要求确认以色列的犹太国家属性。经过长达7年的博弈,2018年7月19日,以色列议会以62票对55票通过《基本法:以色列——犹太人的民族国家》。该基本法出台后,在以色列国内外乃至国际社会引发了强烈反响,它表明以色列以多数主义统治为特征的族裔民族主义从含糊转向明确、从“事实”转向“法理”,代表着建国七十年以来以色列国家属性的再界定。     

One of us? Reaction formation and inclusion as a strategy in the ethnic state

Many states question how to manage burgeoning migration. This is particularly problematic for ethnic states whose foundation myths imagine the state as the home for the nation. In this paper, we argue that ethnic states engage a type of defense mechanism, ‘reaction formation’, as part of migration policy to distract attention from threats to the claimed ethnic homogeneity that undergirds the reason for the state's existence. Using Israel as a case of a planned ethnic state, we show how a state develops a spectrum of membership models to incorporate ‘others’ into the nation-state. We suggest that Israel could conceivably devise some arrangement to incorporate the several hundred thousand labor migrants currently resident there. We argue that the state is reluctant to recognize these migrants as ‘Israeli’ because to do so would reveal a hidden truth: Israel may be becoming more Israeli than Jewish and, thus, the recognition of labor migrants and their children provokes questions about Israel's very reason for existence, that is, being a Jewish state.     

Ethnic origin and identity in the Jewish population of Israel*

The paper addresses the multifaceted quality of ethnicity in the Jewish population of Israel by probing into the ethnic categories and their subjective meaning. The analyses utilise data collected during 2015–2016 on a representative sample of Israelis age 15 and older, as part of the seventh and eighth rounds of the European Social Survey (ESS). Hypotheses are developed concerning the relationship between demographically based ethnic origin and national identity, as well as the effect of ethnically mixed marriages on ethnic and national identities. The analyses reveal a strong preference among Jews in Israel to portray their ancestry in inclusive national categories – Israeli and Jewish – rather than more particularistic, ethno-cultural, categories (e.g. Mizrahim, Moroccan, Ashkenazim, Polish, etc). Yet, whether Israeli or Jewish receives primacy differs by migration generation, socioeconomic standing, religion, and political dispositions. While the findings clearly add to our understanding of Israeli society, they are also telling with regard to immigrant societies more generally. First, they reveal a multi-layered structure of ethnic identification. Second, they suggest that ethnic identities are quite resistant to change. Third, ethnically mixed marriages appear to erode ethnic identities and are likely to replace them with national identities.     

关于和谐社会构建中少数民族文化权利保护的思考

我国政府历来重视少数民族人权特别是少数民族文化权利的保护与实现问题。对少数民族文化权利的保护,有多种多样的价值。党和国家十分重视少数民族文化权利的保护,采取了各种各样的措施,取得了一定的成就,但仍存在一定的问题。本文在分析了和谐社会理念内涵的基础上,试析新形势下我国少数民族文化权利保护方面存在的不足,并提出用构建和谐社会的理念,来指导民族文化权利的保护。     

政府管理体制改革视角下民族地区经济发展方式转变

我国民族地区的经济发展方式大多属粗放型,其转变的关键在政府管理体制改革。从民族地区政府管理面临的现实困境看,既面临特殊的社会历史自然环境,又要完成中央政府的经济增长考核目标和其他重点任务,还要应付民族地区复杂的群体性事件等。推动民族地区经济发展方式的转型,必须加快中央和民族地区政府职能的转变,正确处理政府与市场关系,完善对民族地区政府的绩效考核,创新民族地区政府管理体制,积极推动民族自治地区政府管理体制的改革步伐。     

‘From badness to sickness’:1 the role of ethnopsychology in shaping ethnic hierarchies in Israel

This article explores the role of the psychological sciences in depoliticising processes of ethnic demarcation and marginalisation within the Jewish population in Israel. It shows how the psychological sciences have provided the scientific foundation by which cultural domination and subordination have been essentialised. The study traces the ways in which ethnopsychological discourse has changed its contours over time. Early ethnopsychological discourse provided an overt link between the ‘cultural backwardness’ and ‘psychological impairment’ of the Mizrahi Jew. In light of broad social and political transformations, in the more recent model the overt ethnic signifier was silenced, and the Mizrahi ‘impaired mind’ appeared to be detached from its ethnic roots while being attributed to the same ethnic population. Both ethnopsychological forms have focused on the individual's ‘special needs’ and ‘inherent psychological impairment’, obscuring the role of social and political forces in shaping social gaps in Israeli society and reinforcing the hegemonic discourse of nurture. The latter has provided a negative mirror image of the modern Ashkenazi secular Israeli Jew following Western cultural models of self‐control as the universal index of health and progress. This study is based on both primary and secondary sources as well as on my in situ observations.     

Israel's immigration policies: the twofold face of the ‘demographic threat’

This article deals with the discursive practices employed in various public sites of Israeli society to support and legitimise the immigration policy towards prospective immigrants from the Former Soviet Union (FSU) from 1989 to 1990. During those years Israeli society witnessed one of the country's biggest immigration waves. However, like many state policies, Israel's immigration policy towards prospective immigrants from the FSU has not been carried out uncontested. There were vibrant and often heated public disputes concerning this policy. The purpose of the article is to reveal the racist attitudes of Israeli society expressed in the discursive practices that have been employed to support immigration from the FSU in these public disputes. Assuming an inextricable combination of old and new racism, these practices — involving processes of adverse racialisation of Arabs and Mizrahi Jews — have portrayed them as a demographic threat to Israeli society, a threat that can be forestalled by the admission of prospective immigrants from the FSU. However, the fact that these processes are not directed only against Arabs but also against Mizrahi Jews discloses some of Zionism's inner tensions and ambivalence. It challenges the thesis advanced by Lustick, for instance, that the exclusive goal of Israel's immigration policies is to marginalise and to contain the Palestinian minority by allowing the entrance of non‐Jews to Israel as long as they are not Arabs. Not disputing the immensely significant role that the goal of Palestinian containment plays in Israel's immigration policies, I intend to show that this goal exists alongside a perception of Mizrahim as a ‘demographic threat’ to Israel's ‘European character’.     

“藏族”,“康族”,还是“博族”?——民国时期康区族群的话语政治

在民国时代的康区,存在三种称谓当地土著族群的名称:"藏族"、"康族"和"博族"。这三种名称来自三种不同的政治力量,分别是民国中央政府、刘文辉领导的西康省政府和以格桑泽仁为代表的土著族群精英。本文将这三种称谓理解为三种话语,其间的分歧反映了三种具有不同的背景、立场与政治诉求的力量间的竞争。通过对这样一种"话语竞争"的分析,本文试图探寻一条理解民国时代康区的政治与族群进程的线索,展示在中国由传统王朝国家向现代民族国家转变的过程中,在国家政权建设与地方权力博弈的复杂互动中,"族群性"作为一种历史现象如何逐渐凸显出来,具有了新的政治意涵。     

论社会冲突理论视角的旅游社会冲突正负双重功能——基于对西部民族地区旅游业发展的考察

以西方社会冲突理论为基础，结合对西部民族地区案例点考察的田野调查成果，从理论和实践两个层面上全面认识旅游社会冲突的功能：一方面，旅游社会冲突会产生旅游地社会资源损失、旅游地社会秩序破坏、民族心理受伤害、旅游目的地形象损毁、地方政府公信力流失等负面作用；另一方面，旅游社会冲突也具有重建社会关系、提高社会整合度、缓解社会矛盾等正向功能。因此，旅游社会冲突具有正负双重功能的辩证观可以为我国民族地区旅游社会冲突调控的具体实践提供一定理论依据。