当代中国底层社会“以身抗争”的效度和限度分析:一个“艾滋村民”抗争维权的启示

通过对鄂豫两省艾滋疫情高发区“艾滋村民”抗争的考察,笔者提出了当代中国底层社会抗争的两种社会学逻辑：求助于外的“合法抗争”和求助于内的“以身抗争”,一起形成了当代中国底层社会抗争的具有解释力、却又不同逻辑的社会学分析框架。本文考察了“以身抗争”模式的形成机理和运转规则,发现中国底层农民抗争的“非政治性”、“弱组织性”和“具体利益性”取向,“有组织”的政治抗争乃至革命性转化是不太可能的。     

街头·行为·艺术: 性别权利倡导和抗争行动形式库的创新

2012年被媒体称为中国“女权行动元年”。通过考察这一年发生的“占领男厕所”、“受伤的新娘”、“上海地铁反性骚扰”和“光头姐抗议教育部”等产生广泛社会影响的性别事件,文章分析了街头行为艺术作为一种新的抗争行动手法在当代中国社会的形成和发展。相比近年来抗争政治研究整体蓬勃发展的局面,国内学界对抗争行动形式库的研究较为缺乏。本文首先对这一领域的理论视角和相关研究进行了梳理和评述,然后简要呈现街头行为艺术在中国抗争政治景观中的兴起。文章的主体部分围绕这一抗争行动手法的三个关键词——街头、行为和艺术,结合近年倡导性别平权街头行动的实证资料,详细阐述了它们各自对于抗争行动的意义及其对实施效果的影响。最后,文章提出从政策改变、参与动员和文化变迁三个层面,评估运用街头行为艺术进行诉求表达和政策倡导的成效。     

网络极端情绪人群的类型及其政治与社会意涵——基于中国网络社会心态调查数据（2014）的实证研究

本文以社会化媒体的用户为中心,以用户的网络极端情绪表达为切入点,考察中国社会化媒体空间中的群体类型,并探讨各群体的客观背景特征,以及各群体的政治态度和网络表达行动。对中国网络社会心态调查数据（2014）的潜类分析表明,我们可以根据微博用户表达的极端情绪将其划分为“酱油众”“冷漠族”“铁血爱国派”“愤世嫉俗派”和“民粹主义者”五类群体。其中,“民粹主义者”具有一定的“草根左派”色彩,“铁血爱国派”具有某种“亲体制左派”的色彩,“冷漠族”则倾向于“温和右派”,“愤世嫉俗派”倾向于“激进右派”。就政治态度而言,“愤世嫉俗派”对体制的态度最为负面,“民粹主义者”对政府的信任度最低,而“铁血爱国派”对体制的态度最为正面,对政府的信任度最高。就网络行动而言,“民粹主义者”使用网络暴力和参与在线抗议的可能性都最高,其次是“愤世嫉俗派”和“铁血爱国派”。文章最后指出,对互联网用户极端情绪的研究是理解中国网络社会的重要窗口。     

以理抗争:都市集体行动的策略——以广州南园的业主维权为例

本文描述和分析了广州一个社区就物业管理费和业委会展开的集体行动,试图说明在城市中产阶层业主维权运动中,以中老年人为主体的社区运动及其行动策略的产生,一方面是“依法抗争”的理性选择的结果,另一方面受到“以理抗争”的多重文化逻辑的影响,即包括行动者基于利益理性的“依法抗争”、基于家园认同所寻求的日常生活的道德平衡,以及以往社会主义群众动员孕育的人民抗争的话语/价值体系。城市社区治理中的“以理抗争”与中国农村基层社会的“以法抗争”,既有着相似性,又有差异性,在一定程度上,它推动了中国城市社区治理结构的转变。     

自我组织与遵纪守法：工人依法维权的集体行动策略——以上海SNS企业工人抗争为例

在中国的制度环境下,对于底层工人来说,争取合法权益的同时还要计算在这个过程中的经济成本与政治风险,因此“安全”、“有效”而又“可持续存在”的抗争方式是工人在采取行动时不得不考虑的问题。本文以上海某制造企业工人两次依法维权的行动为例,提出在这种逻辑下工人抗争所采取的“自我组织”与“遵纪守法”的策略,既为抗争提供了组织保障,又提供了行动的合法性。最后,文章将这种抗争策略放在中国宏观社会变迁的背景下进行了讨论。     

从“官吏分途”到“层级分流”:帝国逻辑下的中国官僚人事制度

魏晋南北朝以来的“官吏分途”是中国官僚体制的重大制度变迁,本文从这一角度出发,审视当代中国官员的空间流动状况,提出以“官吏相对谱系”为特点的“层级分流”模式。文章从周雪光的“帝国逻辑”分析框架出发,借用史学研究和社会科学理论来认识和解释人事制度安排与帝国治理逻辑之间的关系。文章认为,从“官吏分途”到“层级分流”,这一人事制度造成了官僚体制的二元结构及其迥然不同的职业生涯、激励设置和利益群体,为中国官僚体制的运作打上了鲜明烙印。本文充实和扩展了“帝国逻辑”的理论思路。     

英雄伦理与抗争行动的持续性——以鲁西农民抗争积极分子为例

在中国乡村抗争研究中,农民抗争的动机经常被理解为一种“受损逻辑”。虽然受损逻辑能够部分解释抗争行动的发起,但却不能解释在利益补偿、伦理关系修复的情况下,抗争为何会继续进行。本文在对鲁西农民抗争积极分子进行研究的基础上指出,推动抗争积极分子持续抗争的动机是一种由抗争行动本身带来的、突出的、不同于受损逻辑的“英雄伦理”。这种英雄伦理发展出了互助连带机制、等级区分机制和友情再造机制等三种机制,从而推动着抗争的持续进行。然而,这三种机制在推动抗争持续进行的同时,也存在着各自内在的限制。最后,笔者讨论了“英雄伦理”对于理解中国乡村抗争政治的贡献。     

农民维权活动的理法抗争及其理论解释——两起征地案例的启示

基于对广西两个征地案例的研究,本文发现,农民维权抗争的实践逻辑,不能用现有的“日常反抗”、“法权抗争”和“规则模式”框架来解释。当地农民维权活动的一般性特征可称之为“理法抗争”,其行为理据、策略选择和目标制定都在合“理”合“法”的框架内。具体表现为：对被征土地的“待价而沽”、积极运用“拖”的抗争策略、在集体行动中并用“理”与“法”的行动策略,不使事态失控,不与地方政府交恶。农民的“理法”抗争,既根植于乡土社会,也因中国政府政治合法性的转变而导致的国家对稳定的刚性需求、地方追求经济绩效和维稳工作实践之间始终存在某种张力,正是这种张力促使农民在与地方政府争取拥有平等对话主体资质的抗争过程中形成某种“默契”。     

历史书写中的“文成公主”——兼论“多民族中国”的民族史叙事困境

一个“多民族政治体”形成和存续的核心在于一套能够使具有不同政治与文化传统的诸民族“各安其位”的“秩序”，而“民族史书写”正是这一“秩序”的一个重要维度。本文梳理了历史文献中三种不同的“文成公主”叙事：古代汉、藏文文献描述了两种迥然有异的“文成公主”形象，其差异反映了两种古代文明对“世界”及其理想秩序的不同想象；第三种叙事来自近代的“民族主义”史学，汉语知识精英利用古代文献中的素材，在“进步史观”的指导下，塑造了“文成公主”的新形象。本文对这一“民族史书写”的新范式进行了反思性讨论，并进一步对近代中国“民族议题”的核心线索及其所蕴含的结构性矛盾展开了理论探讨。     

城市基层政治参与对政治效能感的影响 一项以上海社区为例的实证研究(英文)

在建设基层民主的过程中,政治效能感是反映政治体系民主和健康程度的重要指标。研究表明,特定的政治参与行为对个人政治效能感有正向或负向影响,但目前探讨中国城市基层政治参及其政治效能感的研究尚不多见。本文综合现有理论文献,将政治效能感分为内部效能感和外部效能感进行分析,并根据政治参与影响效能感的两种不同机制,将政治参与分为教育型和诱导型两类,建立多元线性回归模型进行数据分析。本研究以上海社区的抽样数据为样本,分别建立“教育型参与-内部效能感”和“诱导型参与-外部效能感”两个回归模型。前者分析“抗争”和“竞选业主委员会成员”两项教育型政治参与行为对内部政治效能感的影响;后者分析“参与居委会选举投票”和“参与业委会选举投票”两项诱导型政治参与行为对外部效能感的影响,两个模型均在一定程度上支持了本文的研究假设。但作为教育型政治参与的“抗争”,因其在大部分情况下会以失败告终,故可能对政治效能感起不到一般教育型参与的促进作用。同时,通过数据分析,本文也发现“参与居委会选举投票”和“参与业委会选举投票”的差异：虽然根据已有研究两种“投票”均应归入诱导型政治参与,但是参考中国城市社区的现实情况,业委会选举机制的不成熟以及行政手段的介入,都有损于业委会选举的“政治诱导性”,故可能对外部效能感产生负面作用。本文根据上述问题和本研究的不足提出了进一步的研究方向。     

多学科视角下的社会抗争研究

当前,中国社会抗争的性质、动因和治理问题形成了各具特色又相互关联的研究理路：社会抗争的社会学研究更多地从社会（结构）出发,研究社会结构、社会分层等因素对社会抗争的结构性影响;社会抗争的法学研究更多地从公民（主体）出发,研究公民权利维护和救济以及国家对社会抗争的法治;社会抗争的政治学研究侧重从国家和政府（制度）出发,以抗争政治学为理论范式,关注社会抗争的性质和治理。本文分析了社会抗争研究的三种理论路径,希望社会抗争治理研究上能形成合力。     

The Care of Older People: Australia and the United Kingdom

Australia and the United Kingdom have tried various ways to contain the growth and cost of institutional care for older people. The Australian government adopted central planning strategies from the mid-1980s that succeeded in limiting nursing home places and increasing community services. The United Kingdom government in the mid-1990s required local governments to adopt quasi-market strategies but with less success in containing the growth and cost of institutional care. The two countries changed political direction later in the 1990s but both the Australian Liberal (conservative) government and UK "New Labour" want people to pay more for their care in old age. Each country has something to learn from the policy experiences of the other, including the contentious issue of who should pay for aged care.     

Politics,Pragmatism, and Departures from the U.S. Courts of Appeals, 1954–2004*

Objective. This article uses Cox proportional hazards models to explain departures from the U.S. Courts of Appeals from 1954–2004. I argue that reforms to pension eligibility and financial incentives in 1984 extended opportunities for voluntary departures and strategic behavior, and that reasons for quitting (whether political, personal, or institutional) differed among types of departures and over time. Methods. The data represent all judge‐years from 1954–2004. Both the full period and 1954–1983 and 1984–2004 subperiods are examined. Results. The effects of political factors are limited to partial retirements and suggest judges' recognition of contentious confirmation politics since the 1980s. Personal and institutional variables dominate outright departures. Conclusions. Explanations for departures from the circuit bench differ both by type and over time. Scholars and policymakers should refine arguments regarding judicial turnover and its causes.     

Driven by politics: agenda setting and policy-making in Hungary 2010–2014

Studies on media and politics generally find an effect of the media on the symbolic policy agenda. Analysing data from the Hungarian Comparative Agendas Project, we demonstrate that this effect is extremely weak in the Hungarian policy-making process. We identified those issues that received greater than average coverage in the media. However, we found that in the majority of cases governmental initiatives or decisions preceded the media coverage – that is, instead of the media agenda pulling the policy agenda, the general logic is the opposite: the media are talking about the policy initiatives of the government. The ambition of the paper is twofold. First, our findings reinforce those claims in the literature that point to the many institutional and political factors affecting the media-politics nexus. This suggests that policy-making might be very different in new(er) democracies. Second, our research analyses the policy-making side of Viktor Orbán’s governance. Changes in the polity, democratic backlash and illiberal tendencies are usually the focus concerning the political changes in Hungary since 2010, but no attention has been devoted to how this type of governance is reflected in policy-making. Our paper seeks to make a contribution also in this respect.     

Municipal elections and community media

Local elections are held more often and more frequently than any other type in American politics and are more often the first stepping stone to higher election office. But the “lost world” of municipal governments still remains lost because of political scientists’ and media scholars’ preoccupation with national voting behavior and presidential “personality” contests. Fifty-nine mayoral elections from 1986 to 1998 in 15 rural New Mexico communities without TV stations are examined. When the powerful incumbency variable is eliminated, community journalism’s influence is positively correlated via newspaper endorsement and local radio advertising in predicting winners of local elections. This study also operationalizes from scientific measurement 19 other independent variables that have been identified in predicting the winners of municipal races.     

抗争、民主与治理:全球治理下的抗争政治研究

随着20世纪60年代西方社会运动的兴起,西方国家的国内政治由此发展出有别于常规制度、正式政治的独特政治形态——抗争政治。诸多的理论认为,这一政治形态对其国内政治的民主和治理都具有积极的促进作用。本文通过对抗争政治历程的研究,指出:一方面,全球化及反全球化运动、全球风险社会都使得全球政治和治理发生大转型,由此引发全球社会运动,抗争从国内走向国际;而另一方面,抗争功能也具有局限性。同时认为,国内和国际层面上的抗争政治,关注全球抗争与民主、治理的关系,呈现出与常规政治不同的性质、特点和功能,具有重大的理论和实践价值。     

台湾社会政治文化结构变迁及其冲突性特征

20世纪以来,台湾社会政治文化经历了结构性的变迁,其中国传统政治文化与台湾本土政治文化的关系结构发生了转变。这种政治文化结构的改变是伴随政治转型的发生而完成的。政治转型初期政党竞争的方式及其对社会的政治宣传,将长期以来形成的政党之间的敌视心态与对抗方式传递给社会,使台湾社会出现"争议政治",凸显其冲突性政治文化的特征。冲突性政治文化的加剧最终势必摧毁台湾的政治发展,故政治文化的改造问题须提上议事日程。     

Revisiting History: The Creation of Provinces and the Politics of Social Policy in a Democratic South Africa

The pre‐democracy negotiations between the African National Congress (ANC) and the National Party (NP) established nine provincial forms of government to replace the four provinces of the apartheid era. The nine provinces contrasted with the historical goal of the ANC to create a ‘democratic, non‐racial and unitary South Africa’. The NP wanted nine new provinces to prevent centralized state power under an ANC government and saw possibilities for winning electoral power in the Western Cape. The ANC conceded following political pressure from the Inkatha Freedom Party, which threatened civil war, and a policy shift after examining the German federal governance system. The article analyzes the history, politics, process and outcomes of the establishment of the nine provinces for social policy delivery in South Africa. It explores the contention that the nine provinces re‐fragmented service delivery (although not on a statutory racial basis) and created a system of fiscal decentralization with serious implications for social policy: weakening bureaucratic capacity, institutional capability and political accountability. The provincial governance mechanisms and fiscal institutions created a particular ‘path dependency’ which, 18 years after democratic, rule still impacts negatively on service delivery and more equitable policy outcomes. This is in part due to the undermining of provincial governance mechanisms and fiscal institutions by a significant minority of corrupt and incompetent provincial civil servants. The corruption of these provincial governance mechanisms and fiscal institutions erodes the egalitarian values aimed at creating a non‐racial, non‐sexist, democratic and unitary South Africa which historically underpinned the policy agenda of the ANC. It also has weakened social citizenship on a geographical and ultimately racial basis given the continuing co‐incidence of race and place in a democratic South Africa.     

Media exposure and the engaged citizen: How the media shape political participation

Media exposure is widely known to increase institutional forms of political participation such as voting. Less well understood is whether media exposure also affects protest, a less institutional form of engagement. This paper examines the mechanics through which this relationship operates by considering the media's direct and indirect effect on voting and protesting, via political trust, efficacy, and knowledge. We make these comparisons by analyzing the unique Jennings panel dataset that collects information on respondents at three separate points. The results show that media exposure affects voting more than protesting and that these relationships operate through different mechanisms. While media exposure leads to voting because it increases political knowledge, it is associated with protest via external political efficacy. Furthermore, while this relationship is causal for voting it is only correlational for protest. The results illustrate the importance of disentangling forms of political engagement when considering media effects.