论人类命运共同体的“真、善、美”

人类命运共同体是“真”思想,它在继承马克思主义对“共同体”科学分析论述的基础上,结合当今世界发展的总体趋势不断探索、不断实践、不断发展并取得了显著成效。人类命运共同体是“和”“善”的思想,因为它充分汲取了中华文明的优秀基因,将中国传统文化中“和”与“善”的思想推向全世界。人类命运共同体是美丽的思想,因为它不仅准确把握了时代的主题,力求构建美丽新世界,还将全人类对美好生活的向往转变为现实的动力。构建人类命运共同体是马克思主义在21世纪焕发强大活力的显著象征,是中国优秀传统文化中和平思想的集中体现,是贡献给世界的中国智慧和中国方案。     

微信时代风险信息的传播与感知——以山东“问题”疫苗事件为例

目前,以手机终端为依托的微信传播技术不仅给社会传播方式带来了前所未有的改变,而且给社会风险信息的传播获取以及公众对风险的感知与判断,甚至政府的风险决策与治理方式都带来了巨大的挑战.鉴于此,选取了比较典型的案例——山东“问题”疫苗事件作为探讨对象,结合相应的统计资料,深入分析了在此案例中微信传播呈现出的显著特征,即传播内容庞杂未见明显的“沉默螺旋”的显现,传播态度多元化但偏于激动,传播迅速集中但议题缺乏持续的关注.研究认为,正由于这样的传播特征加之疫苗风险本身的特征与个体的偏颇性解读,使公众对“问题”疫苗事件产生了强烈的风险感知,并在一定程度上造成了疫苗的污名化结果.因此建议微信时代一定要警惕媒介化的风险,风险沟通要在同理心的基础上进行,要引导公众对风险议题进行持续理性的关注等.     

孔子前儒学思想的萌芽

儒家学派的创建者是孔丘，儒学的核心思想是仁，而仁也是中华民族文化的核心。在孔丘之前儒学核心思想的仁学已经出现了萌芽，如公孙轩辕的‘以仁德服天下’，伊尹的儒学启蒙思想，以及周公旦的‘敬德保民’都对孔丘有着深刻的影响，所以我们认为孔丘的儒学是在前人理论的基础上建立而成的。     

论全球气候治理中城市的角色转型——兼论中国困境与出路

从全球气候治理的1.0时期、2.0时期到3.0时期，城市逐渐实现了从“幕后参与者”到“共同引领者”的角色转型。这一转型既得益于全球治理理论在气候变化领域的延伸，更受惠于城市外交理论的推动和全球气候治理中“集体行动的困境”之驱使。就目前来看，中国城市的这一“共同引领者”角色还无法完全体现出来——不仅在隐性的“南北分割”的权力结构和发展中国家的气候治理分歧中，面临着对外发展的困境；而且在中央政府对地方政府的气候治理行动的“单向”型构造及城市的“经济发展”和“治理责任”的两难抉择中，面临着对内优化的瓶颈。针对这些问题，中国可以采取“两条干路+六条支路”的“两轨并行”式路径来寻求合理的应对之策。国家可以在寻求发展中国家的集体身份认同之时，进一步完善国内温室气体减排政策和立法，并赋予城市以一定的自主性；而城市也可以在深化城市气候外交，加强与国家的“双向”型气候治理互动的同时，推动“韧性城市”的长效发展。     

自杀和生命的意义——来自脑科学研究的解读

生命本身是一个随机事件，并不具有高尚的意义。进化的结果使人类可通过工作、家庭和人际关系等给予自己的生命以意义感。当我们的生活方式使脑内奖赏系统获得刺激，就会带来生命具有意义的感受，这种感受给人带来更好的生存机会。生存的欲望是一切生物体最具特征的属性，一些精神疾病患者缺乏这种欲望。自杀主要发生于精神疾病患者，它并非是基于自由意志的行为。抗精神病治疗和适当的社会交往可以预防自杀。由于不同个体有着不同的大脑，人们的生活方式就应该去适应各自大脑的特征。只要人们的生活方式不对他人造成过多的伤害，政府就应该允许和保护人们自由地按照各自的方式生活。     

政府减排目标、产业结构与污染减排

政府是污染减排的重要主体,了解其行为对污染减排的作用对提升污染减排效果及实现中国绿色发展具有重要意义。创造性地将政府减排目标纳入研究框架,构建面板门槛模型,从工业污染排放总量的角度分析政府减排目标、产业结构、经济规模等因素对地方污染减排的影响,并用工业污染物强度进行稳健性检验。结果显示,政府减排目标对污染减排的作用存在阶段性不同:经济发展初级阶段,政府减排目标对污染排放总量的作用方向为正; 经济发展水平较高时,作用方向为负; 两者之间存在适应性调整阶段,作用方向具有不确定性,但总体由正向作用向负向作用转变。产业结构对工业污染排放总量的作用方向因污染物种类而异,经济规模对工业污染排放总量作用方向为正。     

A New Methodology for Before–After Safety Assessment Using Survival Analysis and Longitudinal Data

The widely used empirical Bayes (EB) and full Bayes (FB) methods for before–after safety assessment are sometimes limited because of the extensive data needs from additional reference sites. To address this issue, this study proposes a novel before–after safety evaluation methodology based on survival analysis and longitudinal data as an alternative to the EB/FB method. A Bayesian survival analysis (SARE) model with a random effect term to address the unobserved heterogeneity across sites is developed. The proposed survival analysis method is validated through a simulation study before its application. Subsequently, the SARE model is developed in a case study to evaluate the safety effectiveness of a recent red‐light‐running photo enforcement program in New Jersey. As demonstrated in the simulation and the case study, the survival analysis can provide valid estimates using only data from treated sites, and thus its results will not be affected by the selection of defective or insufficient reference sites. In addition, the proposed approach can take into account the censored data generated due to the transition from the before period to the after period, which has not been previously explored in the literature. Using individual crashes as units of analysis, survival analysis can incorporate longitudinal covariates such as the traffic volume and weather variation, and thus can explicitly account for the potential temporal heterogeneity.     

论数字货币的私法性质——以日本Bitcoin.Cafe数字货币交易所破产案为中心

数字货币，是一种具有财产性价值属性的电磁记录型数据。数字货币在其依存的区块链体系中所彰显的与不特定者之间的支付对价性、与法定货币之间的互换性、使用电子信息处理系统进行转移的在线转移性等特点，得以从数据说的角度，将其作为一种数据性财产权在现行法律框架内对其私法性质进行讨论。有鉴于我国民法总则已将数据纳入保护客体的范畴，数字货币作为数据之一种，理应成为一种新型法律客体，在得到法律理论支撑的基础上获得保护。     

美国师德问责体系的结构、特点及启示——基于德克萨斯州的经验

美国德克萨斯州历来重视教育工作者的职业道德建设，建立了一系列教育工作者违规行为问责机制，形成了较为完善的师德问责体系。美国德克萨斯州的师德问责体系具有独特的结构与特征。颁布《教育工作者伦理规范》，使问责有法可依；设立专门机构，使问责主体明确；细化教师违规行为，使问责有据可凭；强调证据证词，使问责合理科学；重视结果多样，使问责责罚分明。这些对于促进我国师德问责的规范化、制度化发展有着积极的借鉴意义。     

Beyond Piketty: A new perspective on poverty and inequality in India

The socio-economic literature has focused much on how overall inequality in income distribution (frequently measured by the Gini coefficient) undermines the “trickle down” effect. In other words, the higher the inequality in the income distribution, the lower is the growth elasticity of poverty. However, with the publication of Piketty’s magnum opus (2014), and a subsequent study by Chancel and Piketty (2017) of evolution of income inequality in India since 1922, the focus has shifted to the income disparity between the richest 1% (or 0.01%) and the bottom 50%. Their central argument is that the rapid growth of income at the top end of millionaires and billionaires is a by-product of growth. The present study extends this argument by linking it to poverty indices in India. Based on the India Human Development Survey 2005–12 – a nationwide panel survey-we examine the links between poverty and income inequality, especially in the upper tail relative to the bottom 50%, state affluence (measured in per capita income) and their interaction or their joint effect. Another feature of our research is that we analyse their effects on the FGT class of poverty indices. The results are similar in as much as direction of association is concerned but the elasticities vary with the poverty index. The growth elasticities are negative and significant for all poverty indices. In all three cases, the disparity between the income share of the top 1% and share of the bottom 50% is associated with greater poverty. These elasticities are much higher than the (absolute) income elasticities except in the case of the poverty gap. The largest increase occurs in the poverty gap squared – a 1% greater income disparity is associated with a 1.24% higher value of this index. Thus the consequences of even a small increase in the income disparity are alarming for the poorest.