Toward a Viable Progressive Third Party in 2020 and Beyond1

Creating a strong, influential third party has been an abiding aspiration on the American left, and were this goal to be achieved, it could be a great boon to subordinate groups in the United States. Yet widespread doubts persist, even among progressives that this is desirable, and especially that it is possible. Here, I briefly review compelling reasons for thinking otherwise; I then consider in some depth the potential for starting to build a viable left third party leading up to and after the pivotal 2020 election. In doing so, I go beyond the existing literature on third parties, which has yet to reflect systematically on progressive third party prospects in this period. Specifically, I assess how the emerging political environment may shape left third-party building, and I evaluate ongoing and developing attempts by key groups engaged in that effort. I find a distinct tension between conditions encouraging progressives to reform versus abandon the Democratic Party, and I identify one alternative party-building tendency that seems most able to exploit the latter impulse due to its already established electoral viability. Last, I highlight relevant questions that remain for activists hoping to create an effective national left third party.     

Why do newcomers vote for a newcomer? Support for an immigrant party

This article studies the voters of DENK, the first immigrant party to gain seats in a national parliament. It builds further on the existing literature on how immigrants and people from immigrant descent vote in Western European countries. From the literature we derive seven expectations about the kind of voters that are likely to vote for an immigrant party in terms of their political cynicism, attitudes towards economic, globalisation and moral issues. We find that DENK voters are younger Muslims, who have conservative views on moral matters, cynical attitudes towards politics, right-wing views on economic matters and progressive views on issues that pertain to the globalisation dimension, such as immigration, integration and Islam and in particular discrimination. This article uses VAA data to construct a matched sample that in terms of key variables is representative for voters with and without a migration background.     

远海岛礁冷链物流体系优化模型及其集成算法

为研究远海岛礁渔获冷链物流的运行方案，本文选择了岛礁冷库储存中转和海上直接收购等两种不同的渔获运输方式，同时考虑了中转冷库选址、中转运输和直接收购船舶配备、航线配置、在渔场停留时间和渔获运输损耗等诸多复杂问题，构建了远海冷链物流体系组合优化模型。求解时，提出了一种以遗传算法（GA）为外部框架，以改进的模拟植物生长算法（PGSA）为内部模块，通过信息传递实现内外连接交互的集成算法。最后，以我国南海远海岛礁及渔场为实例进行分析，取得了较好效果。通过与传统遗传算法对比，本文优化结果、稳定性及计算速度等均有明显提高，从而证明了本文所建模型与算法的合理性和有效性。     

Explaining Italian “exceptionalism” and its end: Minimum income from neglect to hyper-politicization

Traditionally at the margins of the political debate, minimum income protection has recently become a key issue in Italian politics. After decades of social and political “neglect” letting Italy the only European country (with Greece) still lacking an anti-poverty minimum income safety net in the 2010s, finally a national programme called Inclusion Income was introduced in 2018, then replaced by a more robustly financed scheme, the Citizenship Income in 2019. The introduction of these new programmes was the object of an intense political debate, which raises two main puzzles. Why a policy field characterized by the low political resources of would be beneficiaries and low incidence on the overall welfare budget has become so important in the political debate? How did it occur in Italy, where minimum income protection had been absent in political discourses for at least five decades after World War II? To answer these questions, this article first elaborates a novel theoretical framework which combines the main properties of socio-political demand and political supply in order to explain the scope and direction of minimum income reforms. Second, it provides an analytically oriented reconstruction of MIS policy trajectory in Italy in the three different phases: the phase of MIS “neglect” (1948–1992) characterized by inertia; the period of political “contentiousness” (1993–2012), marked by attempts of path departure followed by policy reversals; the more recent phase leading to the introduction and institutionalization of a MIS. Third, the article provides a theoretically framed interpretation of the overall MIS trajectory in Italy.     

论“莱西会议精神”对新时期全面深化农村基层党组织建设的价值和意义

农村基层党组织是党在农村的神经末梢,也是党的路线、方针、政策的"终端"推动者和实践者。现阶段农村党组织建设面临新兴组织不断涌现与党组织作用削弱的不适应,"权力和资源缺失"与服务刚性增强的不适应,村民自治进一步发展与群众政治参与欠充分的不适应,群众诉求多样化与满足渠道单一的不适应,部分党员党性不强、意识淡化与始终保持先进性的要求不适应等问题。在加强以党支部为核心的农村基层组织建设的"莱西会议精神"指导下,全面深化农村基层党组织建设:思想上高度认识是前提,加强支部建设是核心,坚持法治、完善村民自治是重点,紧扣服务、创新制度是关键,统筹协调、综合配套是保障。     

“一带一路”背景下中国区域物流网络模型研究

选取“一带一路”重点涉及的五大区域18个地区为研究对象,利用改进引力模型测量区域物流引力大小及地区引力总量,构建区域物流网络模型。在明确现有模型的特点和“一带一路”对物流网络目标要求的基础上,考虑区域物流发展水平和区域间差异情况,给出优化方案及优化后的物流网络模型,指出中国区域物流网络存在的问题并给出合理化建议,旨为政府决策提供参考。     

中国共产党必须在宪法和法律的范围内活动的思考

作为执政党的中国共产党必须在宪法和法律的范围内活动,是我国政治体制改革中的重要问题。正确认识和把握中国共产党执政地位同宪法和法律权威的关系,是党在宪法和法律的范围内活动的前提条件。中国共产党确保国家机关、民主党派、人民团体、企业事业单位等依法独立行使职权和管理内部事务,是党在宪法和法律的范围内活动的核心问题。中国共产党以党章为基础,坚持“党要管党”和“从严治党”,是党在宪法和法律的范围内活动的内在要求。     

论中国共产党领导地位形成的历史逻辑——基于使命型政党特质与中国现代化进程的分析

近代中国的历史背景决定其走上了一条政党组织主导的现代化道路。而唯有作为使命型政党的中国共产党,才能够担负起带领中国人民实现现代化这一历史使命。将使命型政党的内在特质和中国现代化的逻辑这两个视角结合起来,对近代以来中国共产党带领中国人民追寻现代化的历史进程进行系统的梳理与概括,才能从学理上阐明中国共产党领导地位形成的历史逻辑。迄今为止,中国共产党带领中国人民进行的现代化变革,经历了新民主主义革命与现代国家的建立、社会主义改造与现代化制度基础的奠定、改革开放与中国特色社会主义的形成和发展这三个阶段。正是在这一历史进程中,中国共产党的领导地位得到了确立和巩固,其领导方式也得到了创新发展。     

环境污染社会第三方治理研究

环境污染风险具有流动性、不确定性、跨时空性、不可测量性及难以修复性特征,导致环境污染国家治理机制和环境污染市场治理机制存在制度性局限,亟须建构环境污染社会第三方治理机制。环保社会第三方具有公共性、公益性、专业性、中立性及组织性的特点,环境污染社会第三方治理能够实现利益诉求、利益发展、利益协调及利益保障的制度绩效。针对环境污染社会第三方治理面临的宏观权力结构性失衡、中观机制整体性失调、微观行为系统性失范等瓶颈,优化我国环境污染社会第三方治理的结构性均衡机制、整体性实施机制和系统性规范机制。     

构建高校二级党组织党建工作责任考核指标体系探索

党的十八大以来,各领域的基层党建工作全面推进。如何创新高校二级党组织党建考核工作,是高校党建领域的一项重要课题。高校二级党组织党建工作责任的考核指标体系,必须以习近平总书记对党建工作的重要论述、党中央对全面从严治党的战略部署和相关党内法规为理论基础,按照科学性与导向性相结合、操作性和可比性相结合、动态分析与静态分析相结合、"硬"指标与"软"指标相结合、定性与定量相结合以及通用指标和分类指标相结合的原则和方法,完善共性指标体系,并分别制定考核教学型、管理型、经营型、科研型四类高校二级党组织的个性指标体系。通过建立分类考核指标体系,创新推动高校二级党组织落实党建工作责任。